Jerusalem Post: Antisemitism – the Newest Front in America’s Toxic Partisan Battle

November 2, 2018

By Michael Wilner

WASHINGTON – Every few weeks, after each latest, worst mass shooting in the United States, pundits and politicians here ask the same series of questions: How could this happen and who is to blame?

Whether the targets are children in high school or daycare, the elderly in a retirement home, gays at a nightclub, straights on the Las Vegas Strip or blacks, Sikhs and Christians in prayer, discussion on cable news typically nationalizes the shooter’s twisted grievances.Circumstances then dictate whether the conversation revolves around America’s struggle with discrimination against gay people, brown people or religious people, or whether the country has a unique crisis of mental health.

Familiar battle lines emerge on whether the unrivaled proliferation of guns in America has any connection to its unrivaled rate of gun deaths. As heated as the debate might flare, the battlefront barely moves an inch and the cease-fire ultimately resumes.

But there were signs of change in the aftermath of  last Saturday’s massacre of Jews in a synagogue in the Squirrel Hill suburb of Pittsburgh. While spiking antisemitism became a robust national discussion for the first time in years, and while Democrats and Republicans pointed fingers at one another in reductive blame, those directly affected made their voices heard as well.

The Jewish residents of tiny Squirrel Hill – until now known as the home of Fred Rogers of Mister Rogers’ Neighborhood fame – took to the streets and protested policies of US President Donald Trump. Those are the same policies that had been espoused by the shooter, Robert Bowers, 46, in the lead-up to the shooting, including his hatred of refugees and those seeking their protection. The marchers called on Trump to unequivocally condemn white nationalism and those who claim to support its causes in his name.

Their protests could be heard by the president himself as he visited the Tree of Life Synagogue, where the shooting took place, on Tuesday, lighting candles and laying rocks on Star of David monuments erected in honor of the 11 dead. “President Hate, get out of our state,” they chanted.

And so Trump responded on Wednesday, making his visit – intended to pay respect to the victims – about respect for Trump.

“The Office of the President was shown great respect on a very sad & solemn day. We were treated so warmly. Small protest was not seen by us, staged far away,” he wrote on Twitter, alongside a video of him at the scene of the brutal crime.

Pittsburghers are not the first to raise their voices after massacre. In the wake of mass shootings in Newtown, Connecticut, and Parkland, Florida, both targeting schools, families and students that fell victim to gun violence became prominent national advocates for gun safety reform.

But Pittsburgh’s Jews are focusing on a different concern: the president’s divisiveness. They believe the shooting that shattered Squirrel Hill’s tranquility cannot be separated from a national environment, stoked by the president, of increased racial and ethnic hatred.

“I don’t think we can avoid thinking about the shooter – it’s part of the whole picture, and it’s part of what’s happening in this country,” said Toby Neufeld, a teacher at Tree of Life for over 30 years who had several friends killed in the shooting.

Diaspora Affairs Minister Naftali Bennett told Pittsburghers it was unfair to blame Trump for a rise in antisemitism in the US. But American Jews overwhelmingly disagree. A poll released earlier this month by the Jewish Electorate Institute found that 70% of the nationwide community disapproves of his handling of the issue.

And so, while both parties were quick to politicize the event, so, too, were those in the line of fire who believe the president’s policies carry life-or-death consequences.

Yet Trump’s response to this tragedy differed from his refusal one year ago to condemn white nationalists and neo-Nazis marching in Charlottesville, Virginia – an event that led to the death of one counterprotester and sent his Republican Party reeling into an identity crisis. This time, three Orthodox Jews who have known him for decades – Ivanka Trump, his daughter; Jared Kushner, his son-in-law; and Jason Greenblatt, his longtime lawyer and senior adviser– ushered him through his public response.

“Antisemitism and the widespread persecution of Jews represents one of the ugliest and darkest features of human history,” Trump said in the wake of the shooting at an event in Indianapolis. “The vile, hate-filled poison of antisemitism must be condemned and confronted everywhere and anywhere it appears. There must be no tolerance for antisemitism in America or for any form of religious or racial hatred or prejudice. You know that. You know that very well.

“Today, with one unified voice, we condemn the historic evil of antisemitism and every other form of evil,” Trump continued. “And unfortunately, evil comes in many forms. And we come together as one American people.”

And Trump’s aides were quick to defend him from charges that his rhetoric provides cover for bigots and antisemites to translate their hatreds into violence.

“The president has denounced racism, hatred and bigotry in all forms, on a number of occasions. We’ll continue to do that. I’m doing it here today,” Sarah Huckabee Sanders told reporters.

She, and the president, then both turned the equation on its head, blaming the media for cultivating a hostile political environment in which the president is merely a defendant.

“You guys have a huge responsibility to play in the divisive nature of this country, when 90% of the coverage of everything this president does is negative, despite the fact that the country is doing extremely well, despite the fact that the president is delivering on exactly what he said he was going to do if elected,” Sanders charged.

“He’s delivered on the promises he’s made,” she continued, “and I think it would be nice if, every once and a while, we could focus on a few of the positive things the president has done, instead of just attacking him.”

The Pittsburgh massacre came mere days ahead of the first US election in modern history in which gun control advocates outspent absolutists in campaign dollars. The National Rifle Association responded, in kind, with a barely veiled antisemitic attack on Wednesday of the sort that was roundly criticized in the wake of the killings.

“Notorious anti-gunner George Soros joins anti-gun billionaires Steyer and Bloomberg,” reads an NRA tweet published just five days after the Squirrel Hill shooting. All three are Jewish. “There is no end to how much they’ll pay to push their elitist agenda on Americans.”

As a result of Pittsburgh, gun control may become a priority voter issue for American Jews, who in consistent polling over recent cycles rank issues of welfare and pluralism at the top of their concerns. In the wake of a shooting at a gay nightclub in Orlando, Florida, in 2016, talk of a wave of LGBT activism around gun control slowly faded. But the Jewish community, proud of its long memory, could react differently.

What is sure is that the Jews of Pittsburgh, and those nationwide who stood in solidarity with them this week, will not consider Saturday’s massacre an event untethered from a deteriorating environment they squarely blame on the president. They have raised their voices and expressed their views that there is causation here. And that could well reflect in their votes next week, in swing districts and states that will determine the control of Congress.

Newsweek: Political Smoke Alarm... Jewish Voter Identification Becoming More Complicated

October 1, 2026
The latest Jewish Electorate Institute survey gives Democrats a commanding 71 percent to 23 percent advantage among Jewish voters on the generic congressional ballot, virtually unchanged from its March poll. Sixty-nine percent identify as Democrats, while 24 percent identify as Republicans.  The same poll contains a less comfortable set of numbers, though: 57 percent of Jewish voters overall say antisemitism is increasing within the Democratic Party, while 35 percent of Jewish Democrats say the rise of anti-Israel Democratic candidates has made it harder for them personally to identify as Democrats. The votes may still be staying Democratic, but for some Jewish voters, identification with the party is becoming more complicated.

NEW POLL: What’s on the minds of Jewish Americans today?

September 25, 2026
Our latest JEI poll shows American Jews are still overwhelmingly pro-Israel but also very critical of Israel and Prime Minister Netanyahu. A majority are concerned that Netanyahu’s actions have increased antisemitic and anti-Israel sentiment. While this is more prevalent among Democrats, even a third of GOP Jews are greatly concerned. This poll also shows the divisions on some recent hot button issues. For instance, most Democrats support cutting aid to Israel, while majorities of independents and Republicans are opposed. There is also a division on the recent pro-Israel action in primary elections – with over a third of Jews feeling it has made things worse, while an increasing plurality feel it is more important than ever. Jews Are Pro-Israel But Very Critical Of Netanyahu, Though Not Focused On The Upcoming Israeli Election An overwhelming 86% of American Jews identify themselves as Pro-Israel, including 65% saying they are pro-Israel but critical of some or many of Israeli government policies. This is barely changed from the March JEI poll which showed 86% pro-Israel and 63% critical. Nearly three quarters (71%) see Israel favorably compared to 25% unfavorably – barely changed from March (71%/24%). At the same time, 61% have an unfavorable view of Netanyahu, with 34% favorable. This is within a point of Netanyahu’s standing from the JEI post-election poll in November 2024 which showed 33% favorable, 61% unfavorable. While 80% of American Jews are following the November elections in the U.S., only 38% are following the October elections in Israel. They do, however, have a strong preference in the outcome with 60% wanting Netanyahu replaced, including 53% feeling strongly. Only 16% of American Jews want to see him reelected. A Majority Are Concerned Netanyahu Has Increased Anti-Semitic And Anti-Israel Feelings Nearly half of American Jews are concerned about antisemitic rhetoric in the Republican (48% a great deal of concern) and Democratic (44%) Parties. Even among partisans roughly three in ten are greatly concerned about antisemitic rhetoric within their own party, with 29% of Republicans saying that about the GOP and 34% of Democrats saying it about their party. A 56% majority of Jews have a great deal of concern that “Israel’s actions under Netanyahu have increased antisemitism and anti-Israel sentiment in the U.S.” Two thirds (65%) of Democratic Jews feel this way, and nearly half (46%) of independents and a third (34%) of Republicans. Most Democrats Would Cut Aid To Israel, But Republicans & Independents Are Opposed A 52% majority of Jews support cutting or eliminating aid to Israel, with 17% supporting “eliminating all $3.3 billion in military aid that the U.S. provides Israel” and 36% preferring to cut but not eliminate aid. Four in ten (40%) would keep aid at current levels, with 8% not sure. There are stark differences on partisanship, with nearly two thirds of Democrats (63%) wanting to cut or eliminate aid, and a similar two thirds of Republicans (67%) and independents (65%) for keeping current levels. Four in ten (40%) Jews are concerned about Congressional support for eliminating aid for “defensive weapons like Iron Dome” (40%), only slightly higher than concern for eliminating “offensive weapons” (36%). A majority of Republicans are concerned about cuts to either offensive (54%) or defensive weapon (56%), while less than half of independents are concerned (44% defensive, 45% offensive) and only a third of Democrats (34% defensive, 29% offensive.) Still there is more of a cost for a Member of Congress voting to cut aid, than a benefit. Nearly half (47%) are less likely to support a Member voting to cut aid, including 36% of those who support cutting aid themselves. Only one in five (21%) are more likely to vote for a Member cutting aid. Even among those who support cuts, only 13% are more likely to support a Member voting that way. Views On AIPAC And The Recent Primary Battles Are Mixed, Even Among Democrats A majority (51%) of American Jews have heard at least something about pro-Israel activity in this year’s primary elections – up from 38% in March. However, higher awareness has not dramatically changed opinions. A narrow 39% plurality support the pro-Israel activity in the primaries, 35% oppose it, and 26% are unsure; very similar to March (37% support, 32% oppose, 31% not sure). Given a choice between two statements, 45% believe “With increasing anti-Israel sentiment and threats to Israel, it is more important than ever for pro-Israel groups to play an active role against candidates who are not supportive enough of a strong US-Israel relationship”, while 37% believe that “These heavy-handed efforts by pro-Israel groups in primary elections make things worse by turning voters against a strong US-Israel relationship, and they should stop.” Large majorities of Republicans and independents believe it more important than ever for pro-Israel groups to get involved in the primaries. But while Democrats lean the other way, they are more torn – with 46% saying the pro-Israel activity is making things worse, but the majority of Democrats either think it’s more important than ever (34%) or are not sure (20%). Indeed, views of AIPAC, the biggest pro-Israel spender in primaries, are mixed, with 42% favorable, 35% unfavorable, and 24% not sure. AIPAC is seen favorably by most independents (55% favorable, 15% unfavorable) and Republicans (71% favorable, 12% unfavorable). Jewish Democrats are 44% unfavorable, with a majority either favorable (31%) or not sure (25%). Moreover, Democratic Jews do not fit easily into one box on AIPAC. Nearly half (45%) agree with the statement “AIPAC is being unfairly singled out for doing just what other advocacy groups do”. Yet 30% agree they cannot vote for a candidate who accepts money from AIPAC, while 19% cannot support a candidate who refuses money from AIPAC. While American Jews are generally together on being pro-Israel even if critical of the government, there are divisions on what should be done in the U.S. on aid and elections.

JEI Advocates for Right to Worship

September 25, 2026
September 23, 2026 The Honorable Mike Johnson Speaker of the United States House of Representatives United States House of Representatives Washington, DC 20515 Dear Mr. Speaker: I submit this statement for the record in support of H.R. 10052 and S. 5289, the Right to Worship Act. I am grateful to Representatives Brad Knott, Tom Suozzi, Michael Lawler, and Josh Gottheimer and Senators Ted Cruz and Elissa Slotkin for their bipartisan leadership in introducing this important legislation to protect the fundamental right of Americans to worship without fear, intimidation, or deliberate disruption. For Jewish Americans, this protection is particularly urgent. Synagogues should be places where Jewish families can gather in prayer, celebrate Shabbat and holidays, educate their children, and sustain their communities. No one should have to approach a synagogue wondering whether protesters will block the entrance, intimidate worshippers, prevent families from entering, or deliberately disrupt religious services. The Right to Worship Act recognizes a basic principle of religious liberty: Americans must be able to enter their houses of worship and participate in religious services without being subjected to conduct that meaningfully interferes with their ability to worship. The legislation establishes a narrowly tailored 100-foot protection zone around entrances to houses of worship during scheduled religious services and prohibits knowing conduct that disrupts services or hinders, deters, threatens, or intimidates people seeking to attend. This protection is not about preventing peaceful expression or legitimate public debate. The legislation specifically distinguishes protected expression from conduct that interferes with the ability of people to worship. That distinction is essential. Americans have a constitutional right to express their views, including views with which others strongly disagree. But that right should not be used as a justification for preventing another person from exercising the equally fundamental right to freely practice their religion. The need for this protection is especially clear for Jewish communities. In recent years, Jewish Americans have faced protests, intimidation, threats, and security concerns at and around synagogues and other Jewish institutions. Jewish families should not have to choose between exercising their faith and avoiding confrontation at the doors of their houses of worship. The right to worship is a foundational American freedom. It belongs to Jews, Christians, Muslims, Sikhs, Hindus, and Americans of every faith. Protecting houses of worship therefore is not a special accommodation for any one religious community. It is a protection of religious liberty itself. We also recognize the importance of maintaining the careful balance between religious freedom and the First Amendment's protection of speech and peaceful assembly. The Right to Worship Act addresses that balance by focusing on conduct that actually disrupts religious services or prevents or intimidates individuals from attending them, rather than on the viewpoint or content of someone's speech. We support continued careful consideration of the legislation to ensure that its protections remain clear, appropriately tailored, and consistent with constitutional rights. For Jewish Americans, the ability to walk through the doors of a synagogue and worship openly is not an abstract principle. It is an essential part of Jewish communal life and religious freedom. A Jewish family should be able to attend services on Shabbat or a holiday without being blocked, threatened, intimidated, or made to feel that entering their synagogue is itself an act of confrontation. Religious freedom cannot exist if people are technically free to worship but are effectively prevented from doing so by intimidation or deliberate disruption at the doors of their houses of worship. We strongly support the goals of the Right to Worship Act and urge Congress to advance this bipartisan legislation. Protecting the right of Americans to gather, pray, and practice their faith is a constitutional responsibility and a fundamental American value. The freedom to worship belongs to all of us. Congress should ensure that every American can exercise that freedom without fear. Sincerely,