Foreign Policy: Netanyahu Envoy Throws Midterm Lifeline to Republicans

November 2, 2018

By Colum Lynch

For many Democrats, Ron Dermer, Israel’s ambassador to the United States, this week swaggered across the invisible red line of American politics, positioning himself squarely on the side of the Republican Party in the final days of a hard-fought midterm election.

Dermer defended President Donald Trump on charges that his anti-immigrant rhetoric may have indirectly incited the perpetrator of the largest mass killing of Jews on U.S. soil last Saturday in Pittsburgh. Anti-Semitism in America, Dermer said in an  interview  with MSNBC, is as much a result of left-wing activists pursuing a boycott of Israeli products as it is a result of right-wing American nationalism.

“I see a lot of bad people on both sides who attack Jews,” Dermer said.

The remarks, according to several Democratic congressional staffers and partisans, represented the latest evidence that Israel’s right-wing government was openly throwing its lot in with Republicans. And that could be somewhat risky for Israel’s interests if, as most polls indicate, Democrats retake the House of Representatives on Tuesday.

“The price is that Israel is not getting its message across to Democrats because they don’t have a trusted interlocutor,” one Democratic congressional aide said. The aide warned that Israel may face an “uphill battle” securing the House’s support in the event of some new unforeseen crisis.

Ron Klein, a former Florida congressman who chairs the Jewish Democratic Council of America, and other Democratic aides say that if they win the House, it is unlikely that there will be much of a change on core issues, including the more than $3.8 billion a year the United States spends in military assistance to Israel. Indeed, the Obama administration negotiated the aid package, which will result in more than $38 billion in assistance to Israel over the next decade.

“In Congress, Democrats, like Republicans, have always supported Israel, and that won’t change,” another Democratic congressional aide said. “With few exceptions, they have not been willing to publicly criticize Israeli policies, even when those policies are at odds with U.S. national interests.”

One area that may see a shift, according to Democratic congressional aides, is U.S. funding for humanitarian programs in East Jerusalem, Gaza, and the West Bank. The United States cut nearly $600 million in annual funding for Palestinians, including about $350 million for a U.N. program that provides schooling and medical care for Palestinians in the West Bank, Gaza, Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria.

Democrats view the provision of aid as vital to preserving the prospects for peace between Israel and the Palestinians on a two-state solution.

“I think there would be a significant amount of pressure to reverse some of those cuts,” said Daniel Shapiro, who was the U.S. ambassador to Israel during the Obama administration.

Even so, the second Democratic congressional aide said, “It’s clear that the Netanyahu government has an alter ego in the White House. As a result, they seem to have concluded that they are best off attaching their horse to that wagon and not worrying about anybody else.”

In the past several years, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has steered the ruling Likud-led coalition government into a closer embrace of the Republican Party—and its base of evangelical Christians and older, conservative American Jewish supporters—at the expense of Democrats, these officials say, testing the limits of a long-standing tradition of bipartisan support for Israel. The strategy has resulted in a series of successes, including the U.S. recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and the cutoff of aid to Palestinians.

But it has also added to a list of Democratic grievances with Netanyahu’s government. Democrats have nursed resentment toward the Israeli prime minister ever since he addressed a Republican-controlled U.S. Congress in 2015 to attack President Barack Obama’s effort to negotiate a nuclear pact with Iran.

Those feelings have resurfaced in light of Dermer’s remarks, which were seen as providing political cover for a president facing allegations that his anti-immigrant rhetoric may have provided inspiration to an anti-Semitic assailant who allegedly slaughtered 11 Jews at a Pittsburgh synagogue known for helping to resettle refugees.

“His comments were a low blow for a lot of Dems,” the first Democratic congressional aide said. “I think it’s no secret that Dems don’t trust him and that he has shown himself to be a better ambassador for Trump than Trump has in Israel.”

“I respectfully but strongly disagree with Ambassador Dermer,” added Klein, who knows the Florida-born Israeli diplomat well. “The masking by Donald Trump of anti-Semitic signals and messages cannot be ignored by Ron Dermer or anybody else.”

Some analysts of the region say Netanyahu’s failure to manage relations with Democrats carries long-term risks.

“He is playing an incredibly dangerous game,” said Hussein Ibish, a senior resident scholar at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington, which receives funding from the United Arab Emirates and corporate donors. “It is very dumb to make Israel a partisan issue because the party in power changes and you risk losing support.”

American Jews—a traditional source of support for Israel—are expected to vote overwhelmingly for Democratic candidates, according to a  survey  conducted by the pollster Mark Mellman. According to the poll, which was commissioned by the Jewish Electorate Institute, 74 percent of Jewish respondents said they planned to vote for Democratic candidates. Only 26 percent planned to vote for Republicans.

A new generation of Democratic  candidates  from New York to Detroit to Minnesota have expressed a willingness to break with Democratic Party orthodoxy, questioning Israel’s moral authority in its struggles with the Palestinians and calling for an end to military aid.

“It is used to be—10, 15, even five years ago—that you had to leave the Democratic Party to offer strong criticism of the Israeli occupation,” Ibish said. “The Bernie [Sanders] wing, while not against the special relationship, is very critical of the occupation, and it’s still very much in the party.”

But with Democrats facing the prospect of a return to power in the House, party leaders have been attempting to dispel any suggestion that they are seeking payback against an Israeli leader they believe has embraced the Republican Party at their expense.

The narrative suggesting a deep “fracture” between the Democrats and Israel is “overblown,” said the second Democratic congressional aide. The aide, who spoke like other staffers on condition of anonymity, conceded that there may have been some residual “bad blood” over Netanyahu’s decision to denounce Obama’s Iran nuclear deal before the U.S. Congress. But “at the end of the day, the folks in our caucus who are strong supporters of Israel tend to believe the relationship is bigger than the personalities at any given time,” the aide said.

In recent weeks, Democratic Sen. Chuck Schumer—an outspoken supporter of Trump’s decision to move the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem—and other party leaders have sought to counter reports that a new wave of progressive Democrats will turn the party away from Israel.

“Senate Democrats are very strongly pro-Israel and will remain that way,” Schumer  told  the  Jewish Insider  last month, adding that he intended to push for legislation opposing the movement to boycott companies that do business with Israel.

The liberal pro-Israel lobby J Street, which has endorsed scores of Democratic candidates in the House and Senate races, has distanced itself from candidates who have questioned the core pillars of the Democratic platform on the Middle East, including a commitment to a two-state solution.

In August, J Street withdrew its endorsement from Rashida Tlaib, the daughter of Palestinian immigrants, who has vowed to support a cut in military assistance to Israel. Tlaib, who appears all but certain to take the House seat in Dearborn, Michigan, will be one of the first Muslim women to serve in Congress.

Klein said progressive critics of Israel, including Tlaib, represented a small minority in the Democratic Party.

“Is she going to change Congress and change the national conversation [about Israel]? I don’t think so,” he said.

Newsweek: Political Smoke Alarm... Jewish Voter Identification Becoming More Complicated

October 1, 2026
The latest Jewish Electorate Institute survey gives Democrats a commanding 71 percent to 23 percent advantage among Jewish voters on the generic congressional ballot, virtually unchanged from its March poll. Sixty-nine percent identify as Democrats, while 24 percent identify as Republicans.  The same poll contains a less comfortable set of numbers, though: 57 percent of Jewish voters overall say antisemitism is increasing within the Democratic Party, while 35 percent of Jewish Democrats say the rise of anti-Israel Democratic candidates has made it harder for them personally to identify as Democrats. The votes may still be staying Democratic, but for some Jewish voters, identification with the party is becoming more complicated.

NEW POLL: What’s on the minds of Jewish Americans today?

September 25, 2026
Our latest JEI poll shows American Jews are still overwhelmingly pro-Israel but also very critical of Israel and Prime Minister Netanyahu. A majority are concerned that Netanyahu’s actions have increased antisemitic and anti-Israel sentiment. While this is more prevalent among Democrats, even a third of GOP Jews are greatly concerned. This poll also shows the divisions on some recent hot button issues. For instance, most Democrats support cutting aid to Israel, while majorities of independents and Republicans are opposed. There is also a division on the recent pro-Israel action in primary elections – with over a third of Jews feeling it has made things worse, while an increasing plurality feel it is more important than ever. Jews Are Pro-Israel But Very Critical Of Netanyahu, Though Not Focused On The Upcoming Israeli Election An overwhelming 86% of American Jews identify themselves as Pro-Israel, including 65% saying they are pro-Israel but critical of some or many of Israeli government policies. This is barely changed from the March JEI poll which showed 86% pro-Israel and 63% critical. Nearly three quarters (71%) see Israel favorably compared to 25% unfavorably – barely changed from March (71%/24%). At the same time, 61% have an unfavorable view of Netanyahu, with 34% favorable. This is within a point of Netanyahu’s standing from the JEI post-election poll in November 2024 which showed 33% favorable, 61% unfavorable. While 80% of American Jews are following the November elections in the U.S., only 38% are following the October elections in Israel. They do, however, have a strong preference in the outcome with 60% wanting Netanyahu replaced, including 53% feeling strongly. Only 16% of American Jews want to see him reelected. A Majority Are Concerned Netanyahu Has Increased Anti-Semitic And Anti-Israel Feelings Nearly half of American Jews are concerned about antisemitic rhetoric in the Republican (48% a great deal of concern) and Democratic (44%) Parties. Even among partisans roughly three in ten are greatly concerned about antisemitic rhetoric within their own party, with 29% of Republicans saying that about the GOP and 34% of Democrats saying it about their party. A 56% majority of Jews have a great deal of concern that “Israel’s actions under Netanyahu have increased antisemitism and anti-Israel sentiment in the U.S.” Two thirds (65%) of Democratic Jews feel this way, and nearly half (46%) of independents and a third (34%) of Republicans. Most Democrats Would Cut Aid To Israel, But Republicans & Independents Are Opposed A 52% majority of Jews support cutting or eliminating aid to Israel, with 17% supporting “eliminating all $3.3 billion in military aid that the U.S. provides Israel” and 36% preferring to cut but not eliminate aid. Four in ten (40%) would keep aid at current levels, with 8% not sure. There are stark differences on partisanship, with nearly two thirds of Democrats (63%) wanting to cut or eliminate aid, and a similar two thirds of Republicans (67%) and independents (65%) for keeping current levels. Four in ten (40%) Jews are concerned about Congressional support for eliminating aid for “defensive weapons like Iron Dome” (40%), only slightly higher than concern for eliminating “offensive weapons” (36%). A majority of Republicans are concerned about cuts to either offensive (54%) or defensive weapon (56%), while less than half of independents are concerned (44% defensive, 45% offensive) and only a third of Democrats (34% defensive, 29% offensive.) Still there is more of a cost for a Member of Congress voting to cut aid, than a benefit. Nearly half (47%) are less likely to support a Member voting to cut aid, including 36% of those who support cutting aid themselves. Only one in five (21%) are more likely to vote for a Member cutting aid. Even among those who support cuts, only 13% are more likely to support a Member voting that way. Views On AIPAC And The Recent Primary Battles Are Mixed, Even Among Democrats A majority (51%) of American Jews have heard at least something about pro-Israel activity in this year’s primary elections – up from 38% in March. However, higher awareness has not dramatically changed opinions. A narrow 39% plurality support the pro-Israel activity in the primaries, 35% oppose it, and 26% are unsure; very similar to March (37% support, 32% oppose, 31% not sure). Given a choice between two statements, 45% believe “With increasing anti-Israel sentiment and threats to Israel, it is more important than ever for pro-Israel groups to play an active role against candidates who are not supportive enough of a strong US-Israel relationship”, while 37% believe that “These heavy-handed efforts by pro-Israel groups in primary elections make things worse by turning voters against a strong US-Israel relationship, and they should stop.” Large majorities of Republicans and independents believe it more important than ever for pro-Israel groups to get involved in the primaries. But while Democrats lean the other way, they are more torn – with 46% saying the pro-Israel activity is making things worse, but the majority of Democrats either think it’s more important than ever (34%) or are not sure (20%). Indeed, views of AIPAC, the biggest pro-Israel spender in primaries, are mixed, with 42% favorable, 35% unfavorable, and 24% not sure. AIPAC is seen favorably by most independents (55% favorable, 15% unfavorable) and Republicans (71% favorable, 12% unfavorable). Jewish Democrats are 44% unfavorable, with a majority either favorable (31%) or not sure (25%). Moreover, Democratic Jews do not fit easily into one box on AIPAC. Nearly half (45%) agree with the statement “AIPAC is being unfairly singled out for doing just what other advocacy groups do”. Yet 30% agree they cannot vote for a candidate who accepts money from AIPAC, while 19% cannot support a candidate who refuses money from AIPAC. While American Jews are generally together on being pro-Israel even if critical of the government, there are divisions on what should be done in the U.S. on aid and elections.

JEI Advocates for Right to Worship

September 25, 2026
September 23, 2026 The Honorable Mike Johnson Speaker of the United States House of Representatives United States House of Representatives Washington, DC 20515 Dear Mr. Speaker: I submit this statement for the record in support of H.R. 10052 and S. 5289, the Right to Worship Act. I am grateful to Representatives Brad Knott, Tom Suozzi, Michael Lawler, and Josh Gottheimer and Senators Ted Cruz and Elissa Slotkin for their bipartisan leadership in introducing this important legislation to protect the fundamental right of Americans to worship without fear, intimidation, or deliberate disruption. For Jewish Americans, this protection is particularly urgent. Synagogues should be places where Jewish families can gather in prayer, celebrate Shabbat and holidays, educate their children, and sustain their communities. No one should have to approach a synagogue wondering whether protesters will block the entrance, intimidate worshippers, prevent families from entering, or deliberately disrupt religious services. The Right to Worship Act recognizes a basic principle of religious liberty: Americans must be able to enter their houses of worship and participate in religious services without being subjected to conduct that meaningfully interferes with their ability to worship. The legislation establishes a narrowly tailored 100-foot protection zone around entrances to houses of worship during scheduled religious services and prohibits knowing conduct that disrupts services or hinders, deters, threatens, or intimidates people seeking to attend. This protection is not about preventing peaceful expression or legitimate public debate. The legislation specifically distinguishes protected expression from conduct that interferes with the ability of people to worship. That distinction is essential. Americans have a constitutional right to express their views, including views with which others strongly disagree. But that right should not be used as a justification for preventing another person from exercising the equally fundamental right to freely practice their religion. The need for this protection is especially clear for Jewish communities. In recent years, Jewish Americans have faced protests, intimidation, threats, and security concerns at and around synagogues and other Jewish institutions. Jewish families should not have to choose between exercising their faith and avoiding confrontation at the doors of their houses of worship. The right to worship is a foundational American freedom. It belongs to Jews, Christians, Muslims, Sikhs, Hindus, and Americans of every faith. Protecting houses of worship therefore is not a special accommodation for any one religious community. It is a protection of religious liberty itself. We also recognize the importance of maintaining the careful balance between religious freedom and the First Amendment's protection of speech and peaceful assembly. The Right to Worship Act addresses that balance by focusing on conduct that actually disrupts religious services or prevents or intimidates individuals from attending them, rather than on the viewpoint or content of someone's speech. We support continued careful consideration of the legislation to ensure that its protections remain clear, appropriately tailored, and consistent with constitutional rights. For Jewish Americans, the ability to walk through the doors of a synagogue and worship openly is not an abstract principle. It is an essential part of Jewish communal life and religious freedom. A Jewish family should be able to attend services on Shabbat or a holiday without being blocked, threatened, intimidated, or made to feel that entering their synagogue is itself an act of confrontation. Religious freedom cannot exist if people are technically free to worship but are effectively prevented from doing so by intimidation or deliberate disruption at the doors of their houses of worship. We strongly support the goals of the Right to Worship Act and urge Congress to advance this bipartisan legislation. Protecting the right of Americans to gather, pray, and practice their faith is a constitutional responsibility and a fundamental American value. The freedom to worship belongs to all of us. Congress should ensure that every American can exercise that freedom without fear. Sincerely,