Foreign Policy: Netanyahu Envoy Throws Midterm Lifeline to Republicans

November 2, 2018

By Colum Lynch

For many Democrats, Ron Dermer, Israel’s ambassador to the United States, this week swaggered across the invisible red line of American politics, positioning himself squarely on the side of the Republican Party in the final days of a hard-fought midterm election.

Dermer defended President Donald Trump on charges that his anti-immigrant rhetoric may have indirectly incited the perpetrator of the largest mass killing of Jews on U.S. soil last Saturday in Pittsburgh. Anti-Semitism in America, Dermer said in an  interview  with MSNBC, is as much a result of left-wing activists pursuing a boycott of Israeli products as it is a result of right-wing American nationalism.

“I see a lot of bad people on both sides who attack Jews,” Dermer said.

The remarks, according to several Democratic congressional staffers and partisans, represented the latest evidence that Israel’s right-wing government was openly throwing its lot in with Republicans. And that could be somewhat risky for Israel’s interests if, as most polls indicate, Democrats retake the House of Representatives on Tuesday.

“The price is that Israel is not getting its message across to Democrats because they don’t have a trusted interlocutor,” one Democratic congressional aide said. The aide warned that Israel may face an “uphill battle” securing the House’s support in the event of some new unforeseen crisis.

Ron Klein, a former Florida congressman who chairs the Jewish Democratic Council of America, and other Democratic aides say that if they win the House, it is unlikely that there will be much of a change on core issues, including the more than $3.8 billion a year the United States spends in military assistance to Israel. Indeed, the Obama administration negotiated the aid package, which will result in more than $38 billion in assistance to Israel over the next decade.

“In Congress, Democrats, like Republicans, have always supported Israel, and that won’t change,” another Democratic congressional aide said. “With few exceptions, they have not been willing to publicly criticize Israeli policies, even when those policies are at odds with U.S. national interests.”

One area that may see a shift, according to Democratic congressional aides, is U.S. funding for humanitarian programs in East Jerusalem, Gaza, and the West Bank. The United States cut nearly $600 million in annual funding for Palestinians, including about $350 million for a U.N. program that provides schooling and medical care for Palestinians in the West Bank, Gaza, Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria.

Democrats view the provision of aid as vital to preserving the prospects for peace between Israel and the Palestinians on a two-state solution.

“I think there would be a significant amount of pressure to reverse some of those cuts,” said Daniel Shapiro, who was the U.S. ambassador to Israel during the Obama administration.

Even so, the second Democratic congressional aide said, “It’s clear that the Netanyahu government has an alter ego in the White House. As a result, they seem to have concluded that they are best off attaching their horse to that wagon and not worrying about anybody else.”

In the past several years, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has steered the ruling Likud-led coalition government into a closer embrace of the Republican Party—and its base of evangelical Christians and older, conservative American Jewish supporters—at the expense of Democrats, these officials say, testing the limits of a long-standing tradition of bipartisan support for Israel. The strategy has resulted in a series of successes, including the U.S. recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and the cutoff of aid to Palestinians.

But it has also added to a list of Democratic grievances with Netanyahu’s government. Democrats have nursed resentment toward the Israeli prime minister ever since he addressed a Republican-controlled U.S. Congress in 2015 to attack President Barack Obama’s effort to negotiate a nuclear pact with Iran.

Those feelings have resurfaced in light of Dermer’s remarks, which were seen as providing political cover for a president facing allegations that his anti-immigrant rhetoric may have provided inspiration to an anti-Semitic assailant who allegedly slaughtered 11 Jews at a Pittsburgh synagogue known for helping to resettle refugees.

“His comments were a low blow for a lot of Dems,” the first Democratic congressional aide said. “I think it’s no secret that Dems don’t trust him and that he has shown himself to be a better ambassador for Trump than Trump has in Israel.”

“I respectfully but strongly disagree with Ambassador Dermer,” added Klein, who knows the Florida-born Israeli diplomat well. “The masking by Donald Trump of anti-Semitic signals and messages cannot be ignored by Ron Dermer or anybody else.”

Some analysts of the region say Netanyahu’s failure to manage relations with Democrats carries long-term risks.

“He is playing an incredibly dangerous game,” said Hussein Ibish, a senior resident scholar at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington, which receives funding from the United Arab Emirates and corporate donors. “It is very dumb to make Israel a partisan issue because the party in power changes and you risk losing support.”

American Jews—a traditional source of support for Israel—are expected to vote overwhelmingly for Democratic candidates, according to a  survey  conducted by the pollster Mark Mellman. According to the poll, which was commissioned by the Jewish Electorate Institute, 74 percent of Jewish respondents said they planned to vote for Democratic candidates. Only 26 percent planned to vote for Republicans.

A new generation of Democratic  candidates  from New York to Detroit to Minnesota have expressed a willingness to break with Democratic Party orthodoxy, questioning Israel’s moral authority in its struggles with the Palestinians and calling for an end to military aid.

“It is used to be—10, 15, even five years ago—that you had to leave the Democratic Party to offer strong criticism of the Israeli occupation,” Ibish said. “The Bernie [Sanders] wing, while not against the special relationship, is very critical of the occupation, and it’s still very much in the party.”

But with Democrats facing the prospect of a return to power in the House, party leaders have been attempting to dispel any suggestion that they are seeking payback against an Israeli leader they believe has embraced the Republican Party at their expense.

The narrative suggesting a deep “fracture” between the Democrats and Israel is “overblown,” said the second Democratic congressional aide. The aide, who spoke like other staffers on condition of anonymity, conceded that there may have been some residual “bad blood” over Netanyahu’s decision to denounce Obama’s Iran nuclear deal before the U.S. Congress. But “at the end of the day, the folks in our caucus who are strong supporters of Israel tend to believe the relationship is bigger than the personalities at any given time,” the aide said.

In recent weeks, Democratic Sen. Chuck Schumer—an outspoken supporter of Trump’s decision to move the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem—and other party leaders have sought to counter reports that a new wave of progressive Democrats will turn the party away from Israel.

“Senate Democrats are very strongly pro-Israel and will remain that way,” Schumer  told  the  Jewish Insider  last month, adding that he intended to push for legislation opposing the movement to boycott companies that do business with Israel.

The liberal pro-Israel lobby J Street, which has endorsed scores of Democratic candidates in the House and Senate races, has distanced itself from candidates who have questioned the core pillars of the Democratic platform on the Middle East, including a commitment to a two-state solution.

In August, J Street withdrew its endorsement from Rashida Tlaib, the daughter of Palestinian immigrants, who has vowed to support a cut in military assistance to Israel. Tlaib, who appears all but certain to take the House seat in Dearborn, Michigan, will be one of the first Muslim women to serve in Congress.

Klein said progressive critics of Israel, including Tlaib, represented a small minority in the Democratic Party.

“Is she going to change Congress and change the national conversation [about Israel]? I don’t think so,” he said.

Antisemitism is a warning sign. Are we listening?

By Eileen Filler-Corn • July 3, 2025
In the nearly two years since Hamas’s brutal Oct. 7 attack on Israel, American Jews have watched a disturbing rise in antisemitism take place across America — and crucially, among some of our longtime allies. For decades, Jewish Americans stood at the forefront of progressive causes, marching for civil rights, fighting for reproductive freedom and advocating for immigrants and the marginalized. My Jewish faith is what first drove me to public service. The Jewish concept of tikkun olam — our responsibility to repair the world — is not just a religious tenet but a moral call to action. It’s why we’ve always shown up to defend others. Yet now, as antisemitism surges to record levels, many progressive organizations and leaders who once stood with us have gone quiet; or worse, turned their backs entirely. It’s no longer just about Israeli policy. The line between anti-Zionism and antisemitism has been crossed so many times it’s barely a line at all. “Zionist” has become a stand-in for “Jew,” and the message is clear: Unless you disavow the world’s only Jewish state, your place in many progressive spaces is no longer welcome. The picture is sobering. There have been calls to ban “Zionists” from Pride events. Many women’s groups have shrugged at Hamas’ rape of Israeli women. And the Democratic nominee for mayor of America’s most populous city has a pattern of antisemitic rhetoric and has refused to condemn the hurtful call to “globalize the intifada,” a rallying cry that has been used to incite violence against Jews. This didn’t happen overnight, but the silence from many who claim to fight for justice has been deafening and deeply painful. I know what it feels like to be targeted for who you are. In January 2020, shortly after I became the first woman and the first Jewish Speaker of the Virginia House of Delegates, the FBI uncovered a plot to assassinate me. Two members of a neo-Nazi domestic terrorist group had targeted me. It was the most serious of many threats I received during my time as Speaker. Thankfully, law enforcement intervened in time. But the threat was real, and it reminded me that hatred knows no single party or ideology. We’ve long seen this kind of extremist hate on the right, but today that same danger is rising on both extremes of the ideological spectrum. Antisemitism spreads under different names but with the same devastating consequences. Now, with the recent war between Israel and Iran, we’re likely to see a fresh wave of anti-Zionism and antisemitism. It is already giving rise to a new round of dangerous conspiracy theories laced with antisemitic tropes: accusing American Jews of dual loyalty; suggesting we control foreign policy; and portraying Jewish political engagement as part of a shadowy cabal influencing Washington. This is a moment of moral testing. Will our leaders speak clearly and forcefully against antisemitism, even when it’s politically inconvenient? Will those who champion diversity and inclusion apply those values to Jews as well? And will we be honest about how bad actors have exploited division, stoked extremism and enabled those who traffic in hate? Just as many Americans oppose President Donald Trump’s leadership while still loving this country and believing in its promise, the same is true for Israel. You can criticize or reject Prime Minister Netanyahu’s government and still support Israel’s right to exist, to defend itself and to thrive as a Jewish and democratic state. That distinction matters. Criticizing a government is not the same as condemning a people; but when it comes to Israel, that line is too often deliberately blurred. We must be able to hold leaders accountable without fueling hatred or questioning a nation’s fundamental legitimacy. Antisemitism is not merely a problem faced by Jews — it is a bellwether for the health of our democracy. When a society tolerates hatred against one group, it gives license to hate others. When threats against public servants go unchallenged, violence becomes normalized. I was reminded of that tragic reality when my friend and former counterpart, former Minnesota House Speaker Melissa Hortman, was executed in her home along with her husband, Mark. Authorities say her killer was a politically motivated extremist who had compiled a list of Democratic lawmakers. Melissa was a principled leader and a friend. Her death was a heartbreaking loss and a flashing red warning sign for the tolerance of hate in our democracy. We cannot afford to treat this moment as normal. It is time for our allies to rejoin us. To speak up when we are threatened. To see antisemitism for what it is: a growing, dangerous force that must be confronted head-on. Because if we wait until it affects everyone, it will already be too late. Eileen Filler Corn is a JEI Board Member and Former Speaker of the Virginia House of Delegates, and the only ever Jewish speaker in VA
JEI logo - blue and red star

Letter to House Judiciary Committee on Anti-Semitism

July 1, 2025
July 1, 2025 U.S. House Committee On The Judiciary 2142 Rayburn House Office Building Washington, DC 20515 Now in our ninth year, the nationally and internationally recognized Jewish Electorate Institute (JEI), an independent, non-partisan, non-profit organization, continues to serve as the barometer for the Jewish electorate. We are therefore honored to submit the following Comments for the Record to the U.S. House of Representatives’ Judiciary Committee in support of its June 24, 2025, hearing on antisemitism - Rising Threat: America’s Battle Against Antisemitic Terror. This hearing, punctuated by the moving testimony of Matt Nosanchuk, reminded us that Jewish safety in America is not a political football - it is a national imperative. Nosanchuk, a former senior official in both the Obama and Biden Administrations and a lifelong advocate against antisemitism, laid bare the stark realities we face. The murder of Sarah Milgrim and Yaron Lischinsky, who were attending a Jewish community event just blocks from his home, brought the crisis home - literally and painfully. It also underscored a chilling truth: this could have been any one of us. Antisemitism today does not discriminate based on geography, profession, or even political identity. Nosanchuk rightly challenged both ends of the political spectrum. From the right, we've seen rising indulgence of white nationalist rhetoric, normalization of Nazi imagery, and an embrace of conspiracy theorists. When antisemitism is tolerated—or worse, weaponized—by public officials and influential institutions, it emboldens violence and undermines the rule of law. The example of the pardoning of the person wearing a “Camp Auschwitz” shirt at the riot on the Capitol on January 6, 2021, was not just shocking to the Jewish community – it was symptomatic of a deeper, corrosive tolerance for hate. From the left, antisemitism also too often masquerades as political critique. When Jews are asked to renounce their ties to Israel to participate in coalitions, or when pro-Palestinian activism turns violent against Jews, with intimidating targeted rhetoric and violence, that’s not solidarity – it’s exclusion and scapegoating. Our Jewish identity should never be a precondition for political participation. What we need is not partisan grandstanding, but comprehensive action. That includes implementing the Biden Administration’s well-thought-out National Strategy to Counter Antisemitism, restoring funding for civil rights enforcement at the Justice Department, and condemning hate, regardless of its ideological source. Nosanchuk’s call for education, prevention, and cross-community solidarity is exactly right. In closing, it’s our view at JEI that using antisemitism as cover for draconian immigration or university policies erodes the democratic institutions that have allowed Jewish life to flourish. Fighting hate must not become an excuse to violate civil liberties - ours or anyone else’s. Our safety as Jews has always been linked to the safety of others. In this perilous moment, we must demand more than soundbites. We must demand seriousness, solidarity, and above all, solutions. We are grateful to the Committee for having held this vital hearing at a perilous moment for American Jews. Sincerely, Barbara Goldberg Goldman Chairperson The Jewish Electorate Institute

JEI Statement on escalation and Support on Israel Security

June 18, 2025
Washington, DC — As hostilities between Israel and Iran intensify, the Jewish Electorate Institute (JEI), a nonpartisan political nonprofit, is calling on Congress to take all necessary measures to support Israel’s security, halt Iran’s nuclear ambitions, and help bring the hostages home.