Foreign Policy: Netanyahu Envoy Throws Midterm Lifeline to Republicans

November 2, 2018

By Colum Lynch

For many Democrats, Ron Dermer, Israel’s ambassador to the United States, this week swaggered across the invisible red line of American politics, positioning himself squarely on the side of the Republican Party in the final days of a hard-fought midterm election.

Dermer defended President Donald Trump on charges that his anti-immigrant rhetoric may have indirectly incited the perpetrator of the largest mass killing of Jews on U.S. soil last Saturday in Pittsburgh. Anti-Semitism in America, Dermer said in an  interview  with MSNBC, is as much a result of left-wing activists pursuing a boycott of Israeli products as it is a result of right-wing American nationalism.

“I see a lot of bad people on both sides who attack Jews,” Dermer said.

The remarks, according to several Democratic congressional staffers and partisans, represented the latest evidence that Israel’s right-wing government was openly throwing its lot in with Republicans. And that could be somewhat risky for Israel’s interests if, as most polls indicate, Democrats retake the House of Representatives on Tuesday.

“The price is that Israel is not getting its message across to Democrats because they don’t have a trusted interlocutor,” one Democratic congressional aide said. The aide warned that Israel may face an “uphill battle” securing the House’s support in the event of some new unforeseen crisis.

Ron Klein, a former Florida congressman who chairs the Jewish Democratic Council of America, and other Democratic aides say that if they win the House, it is unlikely that there will be much of a change on core issues, including the more than $3.8 billion a year the United States spends in military assistance to Israel. Indeed, the Obama administration negotiated the aid package, which will result in more than $38 billion in assistance to Israel over the next decade.

“In Congress, Democrats, like Republicans, have always supported Israel, and that won’t change,” another Democratic congressional aide said. “With few exceptions, they have not been willing to publicly criticize Israeli policies, even when those policies are at odds with U.S. national interests.”

One area that may see a shift, according to Democratic congressional aides, is U.S. funding for humanitarian programs in East Jerusalem, Gaza, and the West Bank. The United States cut nearly $600 million in annual funding for Palestinians, including about $350 million for a U.N. program that provides schooling and medical care for Palestinians in the West Bank, Gaza, Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria.

Democrats view the provision of aid as vital to preserving the prospects for peace between Israel and the Palestinians on a two-state solution.

“I think there would be a significant amount of pressure to reverse some of those cuts,” said Daniel Shapiro, who was the U.S. ambassador to Israel during the Obama administration.

Even so, the second Democratic congressional aide said, “It’s clear that the Netanyahu government has an alter ego in the White House. As a result, they seem to have concluded that they are best off attaching their horse to that wagon and not worrying about anybody else.”

In the past several years, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has steered the ruling Likud-led coalition government into a closer embrace of the Republican Party—and its base of evangelical Christians and older, conservative American Jewish supporters—at the expense of Democrats, these officials say, testing the limits of a long-standing tradition of bipartisan support for Israel. The strategy has resulted in a series of successes, including the U.S. recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and the cutoff of aid to Palestinians.

But it has also added to a list of Democratic grievances with Netanyahu’s government. Democrats have nursed resentment toward the Israeli prime minister ever since he addressed a Republican-controlled U.S. Congress in 2015 to attack President Barack Obama’s effort to negotiate a nuclear pact with Iran.

Those feelings have resurfaced in light of Dermer’s remarks, which were seen as providing political cover for a president facing allegations that his anti-immigrant rhetoric may have provided inspiration to an anti-Semitic assailant who allegedly slaughtered 11 Jews at a Pittsburgh synagogue known for helping to resettle refugees.

“His comments were a low blow for a lot of Dems,” the first Democratic congressional aide said. “I think it’s no secret that Dems don’t trust him and that he has shown himself to be a better ambassador for Trump than Trump has in Israel.”

“I respectfully but strongly disagree with Ambassador Dermer,” added Klein, who knows the Florida-born Israeli diplomat well. “The masking by Donald Trump of anti-Semitic signals and messages cannot be ignored by Ron Dermer or anybody else.”

Some analysts of the region say Netanyahu’s failure to manage relations with Democrats carries long-term risks.

“He is playing an incredibly dangerous game,” said Hussein Ibish, a senior resident scholar at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington, which receives funding from the United Arab Emirates and corporate donors. “It is very dumb to make Israel a partisan issue because the party in power changes and you risk losing support.”

American Jews—a traditional source of support for Israel—are expected to vote overwhelmingly for Democratic candidates, according to a  survey  conducted by the pollster Mark Mellman. According to the poll, which was commissioned by the Jewish Electorate Institute, 74 percent of Jewish respondents said they planned to vote for Democratic candidates. Only 26 percent planned to vote for Republicans.

A new generation of Democratic  candidates  from New York to Detroit to Minnesota have expressed a willingness to break with Democratic Party orthodoxy, questioning Israel’s moral authority in its struggles with the Palestinians and calling for an end to military aid.

“It is used to be—10, 15, even five years ago—that you had to leave the Democratic Party to offer strong criticism of the Israeli occupation,” Ibish said. “The Bernie [Sanders] wing, while not against the special relationship, is very critical of the occupation, and it’s still very much in the party.”

But with Democrats facing the prospect of a return to power in the House, party leaders have been attempting to dispel any suggestion that they are seeking payback against an Israeli leader they believe has embraced the Republican Party at their expense.

The narrative suggesting a deep “fracture” between the Democrats and Israel is “overblown,” said the second Democratic congressional aide. The aide, who spoke like other staffers on condition of anonymity, conceded that there may have been some residual “bad blood” over Netanyahu’s decision to denounce Obama’s Iran nuclear deal before the U.S. Congress. But “at the end of the day, the folks in our caucus who are strong supporters of Israel tend to believe the relationship is bigger than the personalities at any given time,” the aide said.

In recent weeks, Democratic Sen. Chuck Schumer—an outspoken supporter of Trump’s decision to move the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem—and other party leaders have sought to counter reports that a new wave of progressive Democrats will turn the party away from Israel.

“Senate Democrats are very strongly pro-Israel and will remain that way,” Schumer  told  the  Jewish Insider  last month, adding that he intended to push for legislation opposing the movement to boycott companies that do business with Israel.

The liberal pro-Israel lobby J Street, which has endorsed scores of Democratic candidates in the House and Senate races, has distanced itself from candidates who have questioned the core pillars of the Democratic platform on the Middle East, including a commitment to a two-state solution.

In August, J Street withdrew its endorsement from Rashida Tlaib, the daughter of Palestinian immigrants, who has vowed to support a cut in military assistance to Israel. Tlaib, who appears all but certain to take the House seat in Dearborn, Michigan, will be one of the first Muslim women to serve in Congress.

Klein said progressive critics of Israel, including Tlaib, represented a small minority in the Democratic Party.

“Is she going to change Congress and change the national conversation [about Israel]? I don’t think so,” he said.

Pulse of The Jewish Voter Amidst Iran War Shows Engagement In A Host of Issues

April 15, 2026
U.S. JEWS VOTING DEM IN CONGRESS MIDTERMS YET QUESTION WHAT PARTY STANDS FOR, ESP. ON ISRAEL JEWISH R ’ s MOST ID ’ d AS PRO-ISRAEL, NEW POLL SHOWS United in Support of Israel ’ s Right to Exist as Jewish Homeland But Mixed Concepts of Zionism Jews see too much Israel criticism playing into antisemitism While most Jews feel too many Israel supporters use antisemitism claims to avoid legitimate policy debate WASHINGTON – The latest Jewish Electorate Institute (JEI) poll shows American Jews are voting heavily Democratic in the midterm election for Congress. At the same time, Jews have questions about what the Democratic Party stands for, particularly on Israel. Jewish Republicans, on the other hand, are most identified as being pro-Israel, which is also one of their biggest image advantages over Democrats. Meanwhile, amid debates in the Jewish community over Israel, war in Iran and election politics, American Jews are united in support of Israel’s right to exist as a Jewish state and homeland for the Jewish people. However, there are mixed signals over the concept of Zionism, with the majority seeing Zionism favorably, but only a third calling themselves Zionists. There is also concern about how antisemitism is becoming a part of the increasingly heated discussions over U.S.-Israel issues, by both sides. A large majority of U.S. Jews see too many critics of Israel using language about Jews that play into antisemitism, whether intended or not. At the same time, a majority of Jews feel too many supporters of Israel use claims of antisemitism to avoid legitimate debate over policy. These analyses are based on the final release of the findings of a national survey of 800 Jewish registered voters, with an oversample to yield 600 Jewish women. The survey was conducted for JEI by The Mellman Group using a high-quality online national panel from March 13-23, 2026. The margin of error for the sample as a whole is +/- 3.5% at the 95% level of confidence (higher for subgroups). Previous JEI analyses and releases centered on U.S. Jews’ pro-Israel identity and their criticism of the government, support for pro-Israel spending in the primaries and the popularity of AIPAC, DMFI and J Street. Also, on what American Jews would likely discuss at the Passover seder tables.

JEI's Spring 2026 Latest Poll

April 15, 2026
Jewish Voters Highly Engaged, Prioritize Domestic Issues; Strong Support for Israel and Caution on Military Action and Advocacy This recent March 2026 national survey finds that American Jewish adults overwhelmingly affirm Israel’s right to exist while also expressing caution about the current U.S. military escalation in Iran. Views on pro-Israel political spending, however, remain mixed. AIPAC has an overall favorable impression of 39%, DMFI 32%, and J Street 18%. Some key findings also include the following: Turnout and partisanship: Registered respondents report their very high intention to turn out for the November 2026 midterm elections. About seven in ten identify as Democrats (many strongly), roughly one in four compared to Republicans, with the remainder being made up of Independents. Democrats hold a substantial advantage in hypothetical congressional votes in respondents’ districts. Donald Trump receives broad net disapproval, and Benjamin Netanyahu is viewed unfavorably by more respondents than favorably. Israel and Zionism: There are mixed signals over the concept of Zionism, with the majority seeing Zionism favorably, but only a third calling themselves Zionists. Roughly seven in ten hold a favorable view of Israel; 87% endorse Israel’s right to exist as a Jewish homeland. Most see Zionism as Jewish self‑determination, though only a third self‑identify as Zionist. A surprisingly large number are unsure about the definition of Zionism. Foreign policy and military action: A majority of respondents oppose current U.S. military action against Iran and say the president should have sought congressional approval for strikes. Many prioritize preventing Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons but favor clear objectives and oversight over unilateral escalation. 2026 Midterm Elections & Party Affiliations: American Jews are voting heavily Democratic in the midterm election for Congress. At the same time, Jews have questions about what the Democratic Party stands for, particularly on Israel. Jewish Republicans are most identified as pro-Israel, which is one of their biggest image advantages over Democrats. Pro‑Israel advocacy and spending: Opinions are split on outside groups spending in primaries—about a third support such spending, a third oppose it, and many are undecided. Respondents are nearly evenly divided on whether aggressive outside intervention helps or harms U.S.–Israel relations. Antisemitism and public debate: A large majority say some criticism of Israel slips into antisemitic tropes, and a significant share also believes some defenders wrongly label policy criticism as antisemitism. There is also concern about how antisemitism is becoming a part of the increasingly heated discussions over U.S.-Israel issues, by both sides. A large majority of U.S. Jews see too many critics of Israel using language about Jews that plays into antisemitism, whether intended or not. At the same time, a majority of Jews feel too many supporters of Israel use claims of antisemitism to avoid legitimate debate over policy. Domestic Issues are Important: Democrats are viewed positively on healthcare, abortion rights, fair elections, and middle class advocacy, while Republicans are viewed as pro-Israel but excessively conservative and unwilling to oppose the President. The sample of respondents: The current distribution of Jewish voters by party affiliation: 69% Democratic, 24% Republican, and 7% Independent. Poll respondents are mixed gender, highly educated, and religiously plural within Judaism (Reform and unaffiliated are the largest). About one‑third belong to a synagogue, but religious practice varies. Jewish women Voters: There are more female Democrats likely to hold reinforcing views, contributing to the party's electoral advantage, thereby fueling the midterm margin. The partisan divide is even larger among women. Nearly three-quarters (74%) of Jewish women identify as Democrats, including 50% who are strong Democrats, and 24% who identify as Democratic Socialists. Likely Jewish women voters are supporting the Democrats in the generic vote: 78% Democratic, 19% Republican, and only 3% undecided. The Democratic vote margin increases significantly with age among Jewish women. Women ages 18-29 vote +46 Democratic, rising to +60 among those 40–59 and +58 among those 60 and older. These margins exceed those of the overall Jewish electorate, where voters ages 40–59 and 60+ both register a +48 Democratic advantage. The strength of Jewish identity also follows a consistent pattern. Among women who place lower importance on being Jewish, the Democratic advantage is +74, compared to +61 among the overall electorate. Among those who place higher importance on being Jewish, Jewish women still lean more Democratic than the overall electorate, at +41 versus +36. Jewish women are also more likely to disapprove of Trump’s job performance and the current U.S. military action against Iran. They are four points more likely than the overall electorate to disapprove of Trump’s job performance (77% vs. 73%) and the U.S. military action in Iran (59% vs. 55%). Jewish voters combine strong civic engagement and a clear Democratic preference with nuanced views that favor protecting Israel while insisting on democratic oversight, strategic clarity, and careful political tactics. Well-positioned issues that resonate for candidates and organizations in the upcoming 2026 midterm elections include emphasizing support for Israel alongside respect for congressional authority, clear policy goals, and sensitive messaging on antisemitism. "This poll reinforces a simple truth that the Jewish community is not monolithic, and the Jewish vote should not be taken for granted. Their concerns extend beyond Israel and Iran. It also indicates a critical need for education about Israel's history and the meaning of Zionism. These needs have never been more urgent than they are today," said Barbara Goldberg Goldman, JEI Chair. These analyses are based on the final release of the findings of a national survey of 800 Jewish registered voters, with an oversample to yield 600 Jewish women. The survey was conducted for JEI by The Mellman Group using a high-quality online national panel from March 13-23, 2026. The margin of error for the sample as a whole is +/- 3.5% at the 95% level of confidence (higher for subgroups).

JTA: Most American Jews oppose AIPAC spending in Democratic primaries, survey finds

April 14, 2026
The survey was released one week after another conducted by the Mellman Group and commissioned by the Jewish Electorate Institute found that a majority of American Jews have “not heard much” about the role that pro-Israel lobbying groups have played in this year’s early midterm primaries.  The poll, which surveyed 800 registered Jewish voters March 13-23, found that just 11% of American Jews had heard a “great deal” about “the role pro-Israel groups have played in the early 2026 primaries,” while 27% said they’d heard “some” about it. Meanwhile, 62% said they’d either heard “not much,” “none at all” or that they don’t know.