Sun-Sentinel: DeSantis’ trip to Israel: What it means for Trump and the 2020 election in Florida

May 31, 2019

By Steve Bousquet

It’s a saying as old as South Florida itself. You can always tell when a politician wants to run for higher office: He’s going to Israel.

The photo-ops, grip-and-grins with high-ranking officials and the obligatory stop at the Western Wall. All proof of loyalty to a critically important U.S. ally and enough B-roll footage for a year’s worth of TV ads in a place that’s home to one of the largest Jewish populations in the U.S.

Ron DeSantis has been governor for less than five months. He’s not seeking higher office anytime soon (more on that later). But his trip to Israel this week is vital to his claim to be America’s most pro-Israel governor and could play a role in Florida’s 2020 presidential election.

On a trade mission with nearly 100 business leaders, academics, lawmakers and lobbyists, DeSantis earnestly signed cooperative agreements with Israel on tourism, space, education, and water; planted a tree at a forest dedicated to the memory of President Kennedy; visited a disputed West Bank settlement; paid solemn tribute at Yad Vashem, a moving memorial to Holocaust victims; ceremonially signed a law protecting Jewish students and school employees from anti-Semitism; and held meetings on school security and economic growth.

On social and mainstream media, it was impossible to avoid seeing DeSantis as he displayed his familiarity with the region’s history and politics. If there were any doubts about the broader political implications, Republican mega-donor Sheldon Adelson was there to meet with DeSantis in Jerusalem (for a photo-op in Israeli newspapers).

Which brings us to something else that happened this week.

While DeSantis was in the Middle East, his name and picture appeared in a fund-raising appeal blasted across Florida to the Republican base about the need to deliver Florida’s 29 electoral votes to President Donald Trump again next year.

“Now our next battle is coming up. We’ve got to defend Florida for President Trump in 2020,” DeSantis said. “At a time when the President is being attacked on all fronts, you are the warrior he needs to ensure Florida re-elects him to the White House in 2020.”

Then, in bold italicized type: “If he loses Florida, he loses the election.” That’s probably true, absent some complicated arithmetic involving several Midwestern industrial states that narrowly went for Trump in 2016, which Democrats hope can’t possibly happen again.

As governor, DeSantis is the titular head of his party, the GOP email is standard rally-the-troops talk to get people to open their checkbooks, and the timing of the pitch may be coincidental. But as they say in politics, nothing is a coincidence.

You’ll recall that with a few quick clicks, Trump transformed Florida politics with a single tweet in December 2017, calling DeSantis “a brilliant young leader who would make a GREAT governor of Florida.” An historic game-changer, in 139 characters.

Trump’s full-throated endorsement followed in a second tweet in June just as voters began paying attention to the race, and despite DeSantis being an obscure congressman unknown to most Florida Republicans, he immediately became the presumptive nominee, edging past Democrat Andrew Gillum in a November race that needed a manual recount.

For DeSantis, Trump’s tweets were the political favor of a lifetime.

DeSantis can repay the debt by securing Florida for Trump. But it won’t be easy with his presidency a swamp of lies and scandals, amid mounting calls for his impeachment. Add to that an unpredictable climate, politically and otherwise, in a state pounded by four major hurricanes in three years, where questions persist about the slow federal response to the storms.

Even as DeSantis is still learning the ropes as governor, he’s one of three top Florida Republicans jockeying to be first among equals or most valuable player in helping Trump recapture the Sunshine State. His obvious rivals are U.S. Sens. Marco Rubio and Rick Scott, and many GOP insiders say all three have their sights on the White House in 2024.

Trump will be formidable in Florida in 2020. A statewide poll by Florida Atlantic University showed him neck-and-neck with Democratic front-runner Joe Biden, 50 percent to 50 percent, and narrowly ahead of other Democrats.

Florida is the critical swing state in presidential elections and Trump is in deep trouble with Jewish voters. A recent poll by the Jewish Electorate Institute, cited in The Washington Post, said 71 percent of Jewish voters disapprove of Trump’s handling of anti-Semitism. But this, after all, is the president who blamed “both sides” for extreme violence in Charlottesville, Va., in 2017, when other Republicans said neo-Nazis and white nationalists were largely responsible.

Against this political backdrop, who better than DeSantis, still riding a wave of popularity that Trump can only dream about, to vouch for Trump with Jewish voters?

Last year, Trump delivered Florida for DeSantis. Next year, it’s DeSantis’ turn.

October 1, 2026
The latest Jewish Electorate Institute survey gives Democrats a commanding 71 percent to 23 percent advantage among Jewish voters on the generic congressional ballot, virtually unchanged from its March poll. Sixty-nine percent identify as Democrats, while 24 percent identify as Republicans.  The same poll contains a less comfortable set of numbers, though: 57 percent of Jewish voters overall say antisemitism is increasing within the Democratic Party, while 35 percent of Jewish Democrats say the rise of anti-Israel Democratic candidates has made it harder for them personally to identify as Democrats. The votes may still be staying Democratic, but for some Jewish voters, identification with the party is becoming more complicated.
September 25, 2026
Our latest JEI poll shows American Jews are still overwhelmingly pro-Israel but also very critical of Israel and Prime Minister Netanyahu. A majority are concerned that Netanyahu’s actions have increased antisemitic and anti-Israel sentiment. While this is more prevalent among Democrats, even a third of GOP Jews are greatly concerned. This poll also shows the divisions on some recent hot button issues. For instance, most Democrats support cutting aid to Israel, while majorities of independents and Republicans are opposed. There is also a division on the recent pro-Israel action in primary elections – with over a third of Jews feeling it has made things worse, while an increasing plurality feel it is more important than ever. Jews Are Pro-Israel But Very Critical Of Netanyahu, Though Not Focused On The Upcoming Israeli Election An overwhelming 86% of American Jews identify themselves as Pro-Israel, including 65% saying they are pro-Israel but critical of some or many of Israeli government policies. This is barely changed from the March JEI poll which showed 86% pro-Israel and 63% critical. Nearly three quarters (71%) see Israel favorably compared to 25% unfavorably – barely changed from March (71%/24%). At the same time, 61% have an unfavorable view of Netanyahu, with 34% favorable. This is within a point of Netanyahu’s standing from the JEI post-election poll in November 2024 which showed 33% favorable, 61% unfavorable. While 80% of American Jews are following the November elections in the U.S., only 38% are following the October elections in Israel. They do, however, have a strong preference in the outcome with 60% wanting Netanyahu replaced, including 53% feeling strongly. Only 16% of American Jews want to see him reelected. A Majority Are Concerned Netanyahu Has Increased Anti-Semitic And Anti-Israel Feelings Nearly half of American Jews are concerned about antisemitic rhetoric in the Republican (48% a great deal of concern) and Democratic (44%) Parties. Even among partisans roughly three in ten are greatly concerned about antisemitic rhetoric within their own party, with 29% of Republicans saying that about the GOP and 34% of Democrats saying it about their party. A 56% majority of Jews have a great deal of concern that “Israel’s actions under Netanyahu have increased antisemitism and anti-Israel sentiment in the U.S.” Two thirds (65%) of Democratic Jews feel this way, and nearly half (46%) of independents and a third (34%) of Republicans. Most Democrats Would Cut Aid To Israel, But Republicans & Independents Are Opposed A 52% majority of Jews support cutting or eliminating aid to Israel, with 17% supporting “eliminating all $3.3 billion in military aid that the U.S. provides Israel” and 36% preferring to cut but not eliminate aid. Four in ten (40%) would keep aid at current levels, with 8% not sure. There are stark differences on partisanship, with nearly two thirds of Democrats (63%) wanting to cut or eliminate aid, and a similar two thirds of Republicans (67%) and independents (65%) for keeping current levels. Four in ten (40%) Jews are concerned about Congressional support for eliminating aid for “defensive weapons like Iron Dome” (40%), only slightly higher than concern for eliminating “offensive weapons” (36%). A majority of Republicans are concerned about cuts to either offensive (54%) or defensive weapon (56%), while less than half of independents are concerned (44% defensive, 45% offensive) and only a third of Democrats (34% defensive, 29% offensive.) Still there is more of a cost for a Member of Congress voting to cut aid, than a benefit. Nearly half (47%) are less likely to support a Member voting to cut aid, including 36% of those who support cutting aid themselves. Only one in five (21%) are more likely to vote for a Member cutting aid. Even among those who support cuts, only 13% are more likely to support a Member voting that way. Views On AIPAC And The Recent Primary Battles Are Mixed, Even Among Democrats A majority (51%) of American Jews have heard at least something about pro-Israel activity in this year’s primary elections – up from 38% in March. However, higher awareness has not dramatically changed opinions. A narrow 39% plurality support the pro-Israel activity in the primaries, 35% oppose it, and 26% are unsure; very similar to March (37% support, 32% oppose, 31% not sure). Given a choice between two statements, 45% believe “With increasing anti-Israel sentiment and threats to Israel, it is more important than ever for pro-Israel groups to play an active role against candidates who are not supportive enough of a strong US-Israel relationship”, while 37% believe that “These heavy-handed efforts by pro-Israel groups in primary elections make things worse by turning voters against a strong US-Israel relationship, and they should stop.” Large majorities of Republicans and independents believe it more important than ever for pro-Israel groups to get involved in the primaries. But while Democrats lean the other way, they are more torn – with 46% saying the pro-Israel activity is making things worse, but the majority of Democrats either think it’s more important than ever (34%) or are not sure (20%). Indeed, views of AIPAC, the biggest pro-Israel spender in primaries, are mixed, with 42% favorable, 35% unfavorable, and 24% not sure. AIPAC is seen favorably by most independents (55% favorable, 15% unfavorable) and Republicans (71% favorable, 12% unfavorable). Jewish Democrats are 44% unfavorable, with a majority either favorable (31%) or not sure (25%). Moreover, Democratic Jews do not fit easily into one box on AIPAC. Nearly half (45%) agree with the statement “AIPAC is being unfairly singled out for doing just what other advocacy groups do”. Yet 30% agree they cannot vote for a candidate who accepts money from AIPAC, while 19% cannot support a candidate who refuses money from AIPAC. While American Jews are generally together on being pro-Israel even if critical of the government, there are divisions on what should be done in the U.S. on aid and elections.
September 25, 2026
September 23, 2026 The Honorable Mike Johnson Speaker of the United States House of Representatives United States House of Representatives Washington, DC 20515 Dear Mr. Speaker: I submit this statement for the record in support of H.R. 10052 and S. 5289, the Right to Worship Act. I am grateful to Representatives Brad Knott, Tom Suozzi, Michael Lawler, and Josh Gottheimer and Senators Ted Cruz and Elissa Slotkin for their bipartisan leadership in introducing this important legislation to protect the fundamental right of Americans to worship without fear, intimidation, or deliberate disruption. For Jewish Americans, this protection is particularly urgent. Synagogues should be places where Jewish families can gather in prayer, celebrate Shabbat and holidays, educate their children, and sustain their communities. No one should have to approach a synagogue wondering whether protesters will block the entrance, intimidate worshippers, prevent families from entering, or deliberately disrupt religious services. The Right to Worship Act recognizes a basic principle of religious liberty: Americans must be able to enter their houses of worship and participate in religious services without being subjected to conduct that meaningfully interferes with their ability to worship. The legislation establishes a narrowly tailored 100-foot protection zone around entrances to houses of worship during scheduled religious services and prohibits knowing conduct that disrupts services or hinders, deters, threatens, or intimidates people seeking to attend. This protection is not about preventing peaceful expression or legitimate public debate. The legislation specifically distinguishes protected expression from conduct that interferes with the ability of people to worship. That distinction is essential. Americans have a constitutional right to express their views, including views with which others strongly disagree. But that right should not be used as a justification for preventing another person from exercising the equally fundamental right to freely practice their religion. The need for this protection is especially clear for Jewish communities. In recent years, Jewish Americans have faced protests, intimidation, threats, and security concerns at and around synagogues and other Jewish institutions. Jewish families should not have to choose between exercising their faith and avoiding confrontation at the doors of their houses of worship. The right to worship is a foundational American freedom. It belongs to Jews, Christians, Muslims, Sikhs, Hindus, and Americans of every faith. Protecting houses of worship therefore is not a special accommodation for any one religious community. It is a protection of religious liberty itself. We also recognize the importance of maintaining the careful balance between religious freedom and the First Amendment's protection of speech and peaceful assembly. The Right to Worship Act addresses that balance by focusing on conduct that actually disrupts religious services or prevents or intimidates individuals from attending them, rather than on the viewpoint or content of someone's speech. We support continued careful consideration of the legislation to ensure that its protections remain clear, appropriately tailored, and consistent with constitutional rights. For Jewish Americans, the ability to walk through the doors of a synagogue and worship openly is not an abstract principle. It is an essential part of Jewish communal life and religious freedom. A Jewish family should be able to attend services on Shabbat or a holiday without being blocked, threatened, intimidated, or made to feel that entering their synagogue is itself an act of confrontation. Religious freedom cannot exist if people are technically free to worship but are effectively prevented from doing so by intimidation or deliberate disruption at the doors of their houses of worship. We strongly support the goals of the Right to Worship Act and urge Congress to advance this bipartisan legislation. Protecting the right of Americans to gather, pray, and practice their faith is a constitutional responsibility and a fundamental American value. The freedom to worship belongs to all of us. Congress should ensure that every American can exercise that freedom without fear. Sincerely,