Times of Israel: Genocide, apartheid? A poll Israel cannot allow itself to ignore

July 15, 2021

By David Horovitz

According to a new  poll  of US Jewish voters, 25 percent consider Israel to be an apartheid state, and another 22% aren’t certain one way or another. In the same survey, taken two weeks ago and published Tuesday, 22% said “Israel is committing genocide against the Palestinians,” and a further 16% weren’t sure if we are or not.

Commissioned by the Jewish Electorate Institute, a group led by prominent Jewish Democrats, the survey was carried out against the background of May’s 11-day conflict between Israel and Hamas and other Gaza-based terror groups, which triggered a major spike in incidents of antisemitism in North America and elsewhere.

We can agonize and argue over the value of opinion polls in general and this one in particular, which  questioned  800 people with a 3.5% margin of error, and posed what might be termed leading questions: “Israel is an apartheid state,” it  stated, for instance, then asked respondents if they agreed or disagreed.

But the findings should not be nitpicked away. That more than a fifth of US Jews in the poll accuse Israel of genocide cannot be shrugged off.

The survey was taken in the aftermath of a conflict against Hamas, an Islamist terrorist organization that is not engaged in a territorial dispute with Israel, but rather avowedly seeks our state’s destruction; that killed its own people in seizing power in Gaza after Israel withdrew from the territory; that has a despicable history of carrying out suicide bombings throughout Israel directed at civilians; that uses Gazans as human shields against Israel’s efforts to thwart its rocket fire and assault tunnels, and that redirects any and every relevant Gaza resource to its war against Israel at the expense of its citizenry.

Weeks after Israel faced off against this blatantly amoral terrorist army, a sizable proportion of the world’s largest Diaspora community, citizens of our closest and most important ally, has nonetheless apparently drawn a radically skewed picture of what is going on here.

Understanding the complexities of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict does require a little bit of effort. You have to care enough to look deeper than headlines that highlight relative death tolls and maps that display tiny Gaza alongside larger Israel. There’s history and context and dueling narratives and hitherto irreconcilable claims to the same territory.

For all my concerns about where we may be headed if we cannot find a secure means of separating from most of the Palestinians, I find it hard to believe that anyone with genuine intellectual honesty can definitively brand Israel an apartheid state — though I know people who do. And I truly do not see how anybody who has invested the smallest modicum of effort in understanding our realities can determine that Israel is committing genocide against the Palestinians. Yet that’s what lots of American Jews apparently now consider to be the case.

A multitude of factors, some of them far beyond Israel’s control, have led to poll findings such as these. But self-evidently, Israel would help its standing if it explained itself more effectively. It’s no panacea; there are limits to even the most adept public diplomacy. But Israel appears to have given up even trying, as highlighted by its staggering ineptitude in the course of the latest conflict and its aftermath.

Hobbling Israel’s public diplomacy

Israel’s abiding inability to articulate its own case to the global public is so entrenched, and has been so long a cause of despair to its supporters, that many who agitated over the years to prioritize this second battlefield have long since given up. But the seeming determination by successive governments to undermine Israel’s cause by neglecting and hobbling the country’s public diplomacy, notably but not exclusively in the United States, would appear to have plumbed new depths of late.

The latest conflict found prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s longtime former spokesman Mark Regev, back on the media frontline after his term as Israel’s ambassador to the UK, bolstered by “volunteers” including ex-ambassadors Ron Dermer and Michael Oren. Ostensibly complementing this effort to explain the war and its context was the IDF and its Spokesperson’s Unit.

But the IDF’s prime focus was not on detailing for an international audience the context in which Israel had resorted to a widescale response to Hamas’s initial rocket barrage at Jerusalem and the subsequent barrages of thousands of rockets at much of the country. Rather, it was seeking to deter Hamas and Gaza’s other terror groups, by impressing upon them the IDF’s might and potentially devastating capabilities.

Its fundamental unfitness for the purpose of international outreach was emblemized both by its attempts to deceive world media, and thus Hamas, with false information about a ground offensive early in the conflict, and by its inability to quickly produce compelling public evidence of why it was deemed necessary to destroy an entire Gaza high-rise that it said was a Hamas military asset but where the world’s largest news agency, the Associated Press, also had its offices.

Meanwhile, in the United States, Israel’s two main, immensely demanding diplomatic posts — ambassador to the US and ambassador to the UN — were filled, absurdly, by one man, Gilad Erdan, who avoided almost all of an avalanche of interview requests, apparently because he was concerned that his English, though serviceable, is not entirely up to the task. The office of consul general in New York was unfilled (a new appointment was made in late June). Other major international diplomatic posts, including the ambassadors to Canada, France and Australia, were also vacant.

Netanyahu’s governments for years marginalized the Foreign Ministry as part of the prime minister’s centralization of control and, most recently, were so preoccupied with survival and electioneering as to widely neglect international public diplomacy — ironically so, given Netanyahu’s articulacy and worldliness. Preoccupied with endless domestic bickering, Israel’s political leadership did not internalize and still does not seem to have internalized how problematically the most recent Gaza-Israel conflict played out internationally, notably including the wave of antisemitism it unleashed.

The bickering and point-scoring has, sadly and unsurprisingly, continued into the era of the new, Naftali Bennett-led coalition — with the PM and his predecessor trading blame and accusations over Iran, COVID-19 and just about everything else — and so too, thus far, the neglect of international public diplomacy. A month in office, the prime minister has no English-language spokesperson. Erdan has announced plans to step down as ambassador to the United States but a replacement has yet to be named, and other key ambassadorial positions have yet to be filled.

Taking charge of his ministry last month, Foreign Minister and Alternate Prime Minister Yair Lapid  lamented  that, in recent years, Israel had “abandoned the international arena. And then we woke up one morning to find that our international standing has been weakened.” The Jewish Electorate Institute survey offers alarming evidence of this process, this crisis.

The poll indicates that a substantial proportion of even our own worldwide Jewish nation is reaching false conclusions about the modern Jewish state. The Israeli leadership must urgently help provide the tools for a better understanding of what goes on here — with a properly staffed and resourced public diplomacy establishment. That won’t produce an immediate sea-change in international public sentiment, but it will help. As May’s mini-war dismally showed, currently, in the space where Israel should be setting out its case, there is mainly a vacuum.

Newsweek: Political Smoke Alarm... Jewish Voter Identification Becoming More Complicated

October 1, 2026
The latest Jewish Electorate Institute survey gives Democrats a commanding 71 percent to 23 percent advantage among Jewish voters on the generic congressional ballot, virtually unchanged from its March poll. Sixty-nine percent identify as Democrats, while 24 percent identify as Republicans.  The same poll contains a less comfortable set of numbers, though: 57 percent of Jewish voters overall say antisemitism is increasing within the Democratic Party, while 35 percent of Jewish Democrats say the rise of anti-Israel Democratic candidates has made it harder for them personally to identify as Democrats. The votes may still be staying Democratic, but for some Jewish voters, identification with the party is becoming more complicated.

NEW POLL: What’s on the minds of Jewish Americans today?

September 25, 2026
Our latest JEI poll shows American Jews are still overwhelmingly pro-Israel but also very critical of Israel and Prime Minister Netanyahu. A majority are concerned that Netanyahu’s actions have increased antisemitic and anti-Israel sentiment. While this is more prevalent among Democrats, even a third of GOP Jews are greatly concerned. This poll also shows the divisions on some recent hot button issues. For instance, most Democrats support cutting aid to Israel, while majorities of independents and Republicans are opposed. There is also a division on the recent pro-Israel action in primary elections – with over a third of Jews feeling it has made things worse, while an increasing plurality feel it is more important than ever. Jews Are Pro-Israel But Very Critical Of Netanyahu, Though Not Focused On The Upcoming Israeli Election An overwhelming 86% of American Jews identify themselves as Pro-Israel, including 65% saying they are pro-Israel but critical of some or many of Israeli government policies. This is barely changed from the March JEI poll which showed 86% pro-Israel and 63% critical. Nearly three quarters (71%) see Israel favorably compared to 25% unfavorably – barely changed from March (71%/24%). At the same time, 61% have an unfavorable view of Netanyahu, with 34% favorable. This is within a point of Netanyahu’s standing from the JEI post-election poll in November 2024 which showed 33% favorable, 61% unfavorable. While 80% of American Jews are following the November elections in the U.S., only 38% are following the October elections in Israel. They do, however, have a strong preference in the outcome with 60% wanting Netanyahu replaced, including 53% feeling strongly. Only 16% of American Jews want to see him reelected. A Majority Are Concerned Netanyahu Has Increased Anti-Semitic And Anti-Israel Feelings Nearly half of American Jews are concerned about antisemitic rhetoric in the Republican (48% a great deal of concern) and Democratic (44%) Parties. Even among partisans roughly three in ten are greatly concerned about antisemitic rhetoric within their own party, with 29% of Republicans saying that about the GOP and 34% of Democrats saying it about their party. A 56% majority of Jews have a great deal of concern that “Israel’s actions under Netanyahu have increased antisemitism and anti-Israel sentiment in the U.S.” Two thirds (65%) of Democratic Jews feel this way, and nearly half (46%) of independents and a third (34%) of Republicans. Most Democrats Would Cut Aid To Israel, But Republicans & Independents Are Opposed A 52% majority of Jews support cutting or eliminating aid to Israel, with 17% supporting “eliminating all $3.3 billion in military aid that the U.S. provides Israel” and 36% preferring to cut but not eliminate aid. Four in ten (40%) would keep aid at current levels, with 8% not sure. There are stark differences on partisanship, with nearly two thirds of Democrats (63%) wanting to cut or eliminate aid, and a similar two thirds of Republicans (67%) and independents (65%) for keeping current levels. Four in ten (40%) Jews are concerned about Congressional support for eliminating aid for “defensive weapons like Iron Dome” (40%), only slightly higher than concern for eliminating “offensive weapons” (36%). A majority of Republicans are concerned about cuts to either offensive (54%) or defensive weapon (56%), while less than half of independents are concerned (44% defensive, 45% offensive) and only a third of Democrats (34% defensive, 29% offensive.) Still there is more of a cost for a Member of Congress voting to cut aid, than a benefit. Nearly half (47%) are less likely to support a Member voting to cut aid, including 36% of those who support cutting aid themselves. Only one in five (21%) are more likely to vote for a Member cutting aid. Even among those who support cuts, only 13% are more likely to support a Member voting that way. Views On AIPAC And The Recent Primary Battles Are Mixed, Even Among Democrats A majority (51%) of American Jews have heard at least something about pro-Israel activity in this year’s primary elections – up from 38% in March. However, higher awareness has not dramatically changed opinions. A narrow 39% plurality support the pro-Israel activity in the primaries, 35% oppose it, and 26% are unsure; very similar to March (37% support, 32% oppose, 31% not sure). Given a choice between two statements, 45% believe “With increasing anti-Israel sentiment and threats to Israel, it is more important than ever for pro-Israel groups to play an active role against candidates who are not supportive enough of a strong US-Israel relationship”, while 37% believe that “These heavy-handed efforts by pro-Israel groups in primary elections make things worse by turning voters against a strong US-Israel relationship, and they should stop.” Large majorities of Republicans and independents believe it more important than ever for pro-Israel groups to get involved in the primaries. But while Democrats lean the other way, they are more torn – with 46% saying the pro-Israel activity is making things worse, but the majority of Democrats either think it’s more important than ever (34%) or are not sure (20%). Indeed, views of AIPAC, the biggest pro-Israel spender in primaries, are mixed, with 42% favorable, 35% unfavorable, and 24% not sure. AIPAC is seen favorably by most independents (55% favorable, 15% unfavorable) and Republicans (71% favorable, 12% unfavorable). Jewish Democrats are 44% unfavorable, with a majority either favorable (31%) or not sure (25%). Moreover, Democratic Jews do not fit easily into one box on AIPAC. Nearly half (45%) agree with the statement “AIPAC is being unfairly singled out for doing just what other advocacy groups do”. Yet 30% agree they cannot vote for a candidate who accepts money from AIPAC, while 19% cannot support a candidate who refuses money from AIPAC. While American Jews are generally together on being pro-Israel even if critical of the government, there are divisions on what should be done in the U.S. on aid and elections.

JEI Advocates for Right to Worship

September 25, 2026
September 23, 2026 The Honorable Mike Johnson Speaker of the United States House of Representatives United States House of Representatives Washington, DC 20515 Dear Mr. Speaker: I submit this statement for the record in support of H.R. 10052 and S. 5289, the Right to Worship Act. I am grateful to Representatives Brad Knott, Tom Suozzi, Michael Lawler, and Josh Gottheimer and Senators Ted Cruz and Elissa Slotkin for their bipartisan leadership in introducing this important legislation to protect the fundamental right of Americans to worship without fear, intimidation, or deliberate disruption. For Jewish Americans, this protection is particularly urgent. Synagogues should be places where Jewish families can gather in prayer, celebrate Shabbat and holidays, educate their children, and sustain their communities. No one should have to approach a synagogue wondering whether protesters will block the entrance, intimidate worshippers, prevent families from entering, or deliberately disrupt religious services. The Right to Worship Act recognizes a basic principle of religious liberty: Americans must be able to enter their houses of worship and participate in religious services without being subjected to conduct that meaningfully interferes with their ability to worship. The legislation establishes a narrowly tailored 100-foot protection zone around entrances to houses of worship during scheduled religious services and prohibits knowing conduct that disrupts services or hinders, deters, threatens, or intimidates people seeking to attend. This protection is not about preventing peaceful expression or legitimate public debate. The legislation specifically distinguishes protected expression from conduct that interferes with the ability of people to worship. That distinction is essential. Americans have a constitutional right to express their views, including views with which others strongly disagree. But that right should not be used as a justification for preventing another person from exercising the equally fundamental right to freely practice their religion. The need for this protection is especially clear for Jewish communities. In recent years, Jewish Americans have faced protests, intimidation, threats, and security concerns at and around synagogues and other Jewish institutions. Jewish families should not have to choose between exercising their faith and avoiding confrontation at the doors of their houses of worship. The right to worship is a foundational American freedom. It belongs to Jews, Christians, Muslims, Sikhs, Hindus, and Americans of every faith. Protecting houses of worship therefore is not a special accommodation for any one religious community. It is a protection of religious liberty itself. We also recognize the importance of maintaining the careful balance between religious freedom and the First Amendment's protection of speech and peaceful assembly. The Right to Worship Act addresses that balance by focusing on conduct that actually disrupts religious services or prevents or intimidates individuals from attending them, rather than on the viewpoint or content of someone's speech. We support continued careful consideration of the legislation to ensure that its protections remain clear, appropriately tailored, and consistent with constitutional rights. For Jewish Americans, the ability to walk through the doors of a synagogue and worship openly is not an abstract principle. It is an essential part of Jewish communal life and religious freedom. A Jewish family should be able to attend services on Shabbat or a holiday without being blocked, threatened, intimidated, or made to feel that entering their synagogue is itself an act of confrontation. Religious freedom cannot exist if people are technically free to worship but are effectively prevented from doing so by intimidation or deliberate disruption at the doors of their houses of worship. We strongly support the goals of the Right to Worship Act and urge Congress to advance this bipartisan legislation. Protecting the right of Americans to gather, pray, and practice their faith is a constitutional responsibility and a fundamental American value. The freedom to worship belongs to all of us. Congress should ensure that every American can exercise that freedom without fear. Sincerely,