National Survey of Likely Jewish Voters in 2020

February 28, 2020

On behalf of the non-partisan Jewish Electorate Institute (JEI), Garin-Hart-Yang conducted an online survey of 1,001 Jewish voters nationally who self-identify as Jewish and indicate that they are likely to vote in the November 2020 election.  The survey, which was conducted from February 18 to 24, 2020, has a margin of error of ±3.2 percentage points. JEI has conducted two other national surveys among Jewish voters (in 2018 and 2019), and it used the findings of those surveys to provide a baseline comparison of political preferences and views among the Jewish electorate.

Topline Analysis of the Data Regarding the Jewish Electorate

  • A majority of Jewish voters identify as Democrats, and an overwhelming majority of Jewish voters disapprove of President Trump.
  • Jewish voters support each of the leading Democratic candidates at essentially the same level in head-to-head match-ups against Donald Trump.
  • A majority of Jewish voters view all of the leading Democratic candidates favorably.
  • While Jewish voters remain strongly pro-Israel, Jewish voters prioritize domestic policy issues over Israel when asked which issues are most important to them in selecting a candidate.
  • While nearly all respondents identify as “pro-Israel,” a majority also identify as critical of at least some of the current Israeli government’s policies.
  • Jewish voters feel less secure than they did two years ago, and they hold President Trump responsible for their insecurity.
  • A plurality of Jewish voters believe that the best way to improve the security of Jews in the United States is “helping people with the right values get elected.”

This memorandum presents the 11 key findings of the JEI survey.

1.   A consistent majority of the Jewish electorate identify as Democrats. A consistent 25% of Jewish voters identify as Republicans, and a consistent +65% identify as Democrats. These numbers have not changed outside the margin of error since 2018.

2.   Jewish voters overwhelmingly disapprove of President Trump, with nearly three in five saying they strongly disapprove of Trump. These numbers have remained fairly consistent since he took office.

Jewish Democrats are overwhelmingly united against President Trump (6% approve, 93% disapprove), and while Jewish Republicans give President Trump more support (81% approve), 12% of Republicans say they disapprove.

3.   Jewish voters are generally supportive of all of the leading Democratic candidates at nearly equal levels . While Joe Biden and Pete Buttigieg lead the favorability rating with 60% each, Bernie Sanders ranked last, with more than half (52%) still viewing him favorably. Bernie Sanders’s unfavorable rating (45%) among Jewish voters is more than 20 points lower than President Trump’s (68%).

4.   Two-thirds of Jewish voters say they will vote for a generic Democratic candidate over President Trump in the 2020 general election. These numbers are similar to when Trump is pitted against any of the actual Democratic candidates.

5.   Despite uniform support for every Democratic candidate versus President Trump, Senator Bernie Sanders is a slightly more polarizing figure than his fellow Democratic candidates. Sanders has higher unfavorable ratings among some key subgroups, but he finds strong support among younger Jewish voters.

But, in keeping with Jewish voters’ overwhelming sentiment to vote out Trump, the Sanders vote in the trial heat looks fairly similar to the generic vote by these same subgroups:

6 . While there are some issues for which President Trump’s performance is viewed as favorable by a majority or plurality of Jewish voters, this is not translating into support for him. The polling data on Donald Trump’s electoral prospects among Jewish voters suggest that the issues on which a slim majority of Jewish voters have a favorable view (namely, those related to Israel) are not driving the Jewish vote.

7. Domestic issues, particularly healthcare, Medicare, and Social Security, remain the top issues for Jewish voters.  When asked about the issues that are most important when selecting a candidate, Israel remains the lowest priority for Jewish voters. [1]


[1] These results are virtually identical to the 2019 polling, when we asked about Israel in a slightly different way: “How important will be a candidate’s position on Israel be for you personally in deciding who you will vote for in the November 2020 election?”

(Interestingly, there is little meaningful generational difference, as 21% of both Millennials and Jewish voters age 65 and older say that Israel is one of the most important issues to them.)

8. The low importance of Israel as a voting issue in 2020 does NOT mean a corresponding diminution of Jewish voters’ support for Israel.   A near universal 91% of respondents surveyed describe themselves as generally pro-Israel, which is at the same high level as in the 2019 and 2018 surveys.  While respondents are strongly pro-Israel, we find that 56% of the Jewish electorate are critical of at least some of the current Israel government’s policies.

9. A substantial proportion of Jewish voters personally feel less safe than they did two years ago, and they believe that Jews in the United States are less safe than they were two years ago.

This is another finding in which there is little difference between demographic groups’ perceptions of insecurity in the Jewish community due to the rise of anti-Semitism: millennials feel less secure by 56% to 9%, which is not much different from voters age 65 and older (60% less secure, 3% more secure.)

10. President Trump’s disapproval ratings for issues are highest when it comes to his handling of anti-Semitism and white nationalism (71% of voters disapprove, including one-third of Republicans.) President Trump is viewed by a significant percentage of Jewish voters as part of the problem fueling the rise of anti-Semitism.

A plurality (45%) express concern about President Trump’s emboldening far-right extremists and white nationalists, a notable change since 2019.  More than one in four Republican voters express concern about Trump’s actions and about “Republicans tolerating anti-Semitism” in their ranks:

Similarly, President Trump and the GOP are viewed to some extent as contributing to rising anti-Semitism, and 56% of Jewish voters believe he is at least partially to blame for targeted attacks on synagogues:

11.   Jewish voters continue to channel their concern about issues, such as rising anti-Semitism, into political action , with virtually similar results by key demographics such as age, with a plurality of voters indicating that the best way to improve Jews’ security in the United States is by “helping people with the right values get elected.”

October 1, 2026
The latest Jewish Electorate Institute survey gives Democrats a commanding 71 percent to 23 percent advantage among Jewish voters on the generic congressional ballot, virtually unchanged from its March poll. Sixty-nine percent identify as Democrats, while 24 percent identify as Republicans.  The same poll contains a less comfortable set of numbers, though: 57 percent of Jewish voters overall say antisemitism is increasing within the Democratic Party, while 35 percent of Jewish Democrats say the rise of anti-Israel Democratic candidates has made it harder for them personally to identify as Democrats. The votes may still be staying Democratic, but for some Jewish voters, identification with the party is becoming more complicated.
September 25, 2026
Our latest JEI poll shows American Jews are still overwhelmingly pro-Israel but also very critical of Israel and Prime Minister Netanyahu. A majority are concerned that Netanyahu’s actions have increased antisemitic and anti-Israel sentiment. While this is more prevalent among Democrats, even a third of GOP Jews are greatly concerned. This poll also shows the divisions on some recent hot button issues. For instance, most Democrats support cutting aid to Israel, while majorities of independents and Republicans are opposed. There is also a division on the recent pro-Israel action in primary elections – with over a third of Jews feeling it has made things worse, while an increasing plurality feel it is more important than ever. Jews Are Pro-Israel But Very Critical Of Netanyahu, Though Not Focused On The Upcoming Israeli Election An overwhelming 86% of American Jews identify themselves as Pro-Israel, including 65% saying they are pro-Israel but critical of some or many of Israeli government policies. This is barely changed from the March JEI poll which showed 86% pro-Israel and 63% critical. Nearly three quarters (71%) see Israel favorably compared to 25% unfavorably – barely changed from March (71%/24%). At the same time, 61% have an unfavorable view of Netanyahu, with 34% favorable. This is within a point of Netanyahu’s standing from the JEI post-election poll in November 2024 which showed 33% favorable, 61% unfavorable. While 80% of American Jews are following the November elections in the U.S., only 38% are following the October elections in Israel. They do, however, have a strong preference in the outcome with 60% wanting Netanyahu replaced, including 53% feeling strongly. Only 16% of American Jews want to see him reelected. A Majority Are Concerned Netanyahu Has Increased Anti-Semitic And Anti-Israel Feelings Nearly half of American Jews are concerned about antisemitic rhetoric in the Republican (48% a great deal of concern) and Democratic (44%) Parties. Even among partisans roughly three in ten are greatly concerned about antisemitic rhetoric within their own party, with 29% of Republicans saying that about the GOP and 34% of Democrats saying it about their party. A 56% majority of Jews have a great deal of concern that “Israel’s actions under Netanyahu have increased antisemitism and anti-Israel sentiment in the U.S.” Two thirds (65%) of Democratic Jews feel this way, and nearly half (46%) of independents and a third (34%) of Republicans. Most Democrats Would Cut Aid To Israel, But Republicans & Independents Are Opposed A 52% majority of Jews support cutting or eliminating aid to Israel, with 17% supporting “eliminating all $3.3 billion in military aid that the U.S. provides Israel” and 36% preferring to cut but not eliminate aid. Four in ten (40%) would keep aid at current levels, with 8% not sure. There are stark differences on partisanship, with nearly two thirds of Democrats (63%) wanting to cut or eliminate aid, and a similar two thirds of Republicans (67%) and independents (65%) for keeping current levels. Four in ten (40%) Jews are concerned about Congressional support for eliminating aid for “defensive weapons like Iron Dome” (40%), only slightly higher than concern for eliminating “offensive weapons” (36%). A majority of Republicans are concerned about cuts to either offensive (54%) or defensive weapon (56%), while less than half of independents are concerned (44% defensive, 45% offensive) and only a third of Democrats (34% defensive, 29% offensive.) Still there is more of a cost for a Member of Congress voting to cut aid, than a benefit. Nearly half (47%) are less likely to support a Member voting to cut aid, including 36% of those who support cutting aid themselves. Only one in five (21%) are more likely to vote for a Member cutting aid. Even among those who support cuts, only 13% are more likely to support a Member voting that way. Views On AIPAC And The Recent Primary Battles Are Mixed, Even Among Democrats A majority (51%) of American Jews have heard at least something about pro-Israel activity in this year’s primary elections – up from 38% in March. However, higher awareness has not dramatically changed opinions. A narrow 39% plurality support the pro-Israel activity in the primaries, 35% oppose it, and 26% are unsure; very similar to March (37% support, 32% oppose, 31% not sure). Given a choice between two statements, 45% believe “With increasing anti-Israel sentiment and threats to Israel, it is more important than ever for pro-Israel groups to play an active role against candidates who are not supportive enough of a strong US-Israel relationship”, while 37% believe that “These heavy-handed efforts by pro-Israel groups in primary elections make things worse by turning voters against a strong US-Israel relationship, and they should stop.” Large majorities of Republicans and independents believe it more important than ever for pro-Israel groups to get involved in the primaries. But while Democrats lean the other way, they are more torn – with 46% saying the pro-Israel activity is making things worse, but the majority of Democrats either think it’s more important than ever (34%) or are not sure (20%). Indeed, views of AIPAC, the biggest pro-Israel spender in primaries, are mixed, with 42% favorable, 35% unfavorable, and 24% not sure. AIPAC is seen favorably by most independents (55% favorable, 15% unfavorable) and Republicans (71% favorable, 12% unfavorable). Jewish Democrats are 44% unfavorable, with a majority either favorable (31%) or not sure (25%). Moreover, Democratic Jews do not fit easily into one box on AIPAC. Nearly half (45%) agree with the statement “AIPAC is being unfairly singled out for doing just what other advocacy groups do”. Yet 30% agree they cannot vote for a candidate who accepts money from AIPAC, while 19% cannot support a candidate who refuses money from AIPAC. While American Jews are generally together on being pro-Israel even if critical of the government, there are divisions on what should be done in the U.S. on aid and elections.
September 25, 2026
September 23, 2026 The Honorable Mike Johnson Speaker of the United States House of Representatives United States House of Representatives Washington, DC 20515 Dear Mr. Speaker: I submit this statement for the record in support of H.R. 10052 and S. 5289, the Right to Worship Act. I am grateful to Representatives Brad Knott, Tom Suozzi, Michael Lawler, and Josh Gottheimer and Senators Ted Cruz and Elissa Slotkin for their bipartisan leadership in introducing this important legislation to protect the fundamental right of Americans to worship without fear, intimidation, or deliberate disruption. For Jewish Americans, this protection is particularly urgent. Synagogues should be places where Jewish families can gather in prayer, celebrate Shabbat and holidays, educate their children, and sustain their communities. No one should have to approach a synagogue wondering whether protesters will block the entrance, intimidate worshippers, prevent families from entering, or deliberately disrupt religious services. The Right to Worship Act recognizes a basic principle of religious liberty: Americans must be able to enter their houses of worship and participate in religious services without being subjected to conduct that meaningfully interferes with their ability to worship. The legislation establishes a narrowly tailored 100-foot protection zone around entrances to houses of worship during scheduled religious services and prohibits knowing conduct that disrupts services or hinders, deters, threatens, or intimidates people seeking to attend. This protection is not about preventing peaceful expression or legitimate public debate. The legislation specifically distinguishes protected expression from conduct that interferes with the ability of people to worship. That distinction is essential. Americans have a constitutional right to express their views, including views with which others strongly disagree. But that right should not be used as a justification for preventing another person from exercising the equally fundamental right to freely practice their religion. The need for this protection is especially clear for Jewish communities. In recent years, Jewish Americans have faced protests, intimidation, threats, and security concerns at and around synagogues and other Jewish institutions. Jewish families should not have to choose between exercising their faith and avoiding confrontation at the doors of their houses of worship. The right to worship is a foundational American freedom. It belongs to Jews, Christians, Muslims, Sikhs, Hindus, and Americans of every faith. Protecting houses of worship therefore is not a special accommodation for any one religious community. It is a protection of religious liberty itself. We also recognize the importance of maintaining the careful balance between religious freedom and the First Amendment's protection of speech and peaceful assembly. The Right to Worship Act addresses that balance by focusing on conduct that actually disrupts religious services or prevents or intimidates individuals from attending them, rather than on the viewpoint or content of someone's speech. We support continued careful consideration of the legislation to ensure that its protections remain clear, appropriately tailored, and consistent with constitutional rights. For Jewish Americans, the ability to walk through the doors of a synagogue and worship openly is not an abstract principle. It is an essential part of Jewish communal life and religious freedom. A Jewish family should be able to attend services on Shabbat or a holiday without being blocked, threatened, intimidated, or made to feel that entering their synagogue is itself an act of confrontation. Religious freedom cannot exist if people are technically free to worship but are effectively prevented from doing so by intimidation or deliberate disruption at the doors of their houses of worship. We strongly support the goals of the Right to Worship Act and urge Congress to advance this bipartisan legislation. Protecting the right of Americans to gather, pray, and practice their faith is a constitutional responsibility and a fundamental American value. The freedom to worship belongs to all of us. Congress should ensure that every American can exercise that freedom without fear. Sincerely,