JTA: Legacy institutions don’t get to dictate how Jews use the lessons of the Holocaust

July 11, 2019

By Elad Nehorai

At the annual Christians United for Israel conference, Vice President Mike Pence  lambasted  Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez for comparing U.S. migrant detention centers to  concentration camps.

“This slander was an insult to the 6 million killed in the Holocaust, and it should be condemned by every American in every political party,” Pence told the crowd.

Many American Jewish institutions  strongly condemned  Ocasio-Cortez’s use of Holocaust terminology. But there seems to be relatively little outrage over Pence’s decision to appoint himself gatekeeper of the Holocaust’s legacy.

Indeed, many of the same institutions that objected to Ocasio-Cortez using Holocaust terminology, from the Republican Jewish Coalition to the Anti-Defamation League, also told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency that they are “ horrified and angry ” at the “inhumane” conditions and “humanitarian crisis” in the detention facilities.

They may think it’s possible to have it both ways. But for an increasing number of Jews, that is not at all the case.

While there should be space for us to disagree, many of the same institutions and leaders claiming ownership over the Holocaust narrative also have, by extension, stated that Jews who dare not follow their lead are rebelling not just against the institutions but against the Jewish people.

I cannot speak for Ocasio-Cortez. But I want to assure all Jews who disagree with her position that those of us Jews who do compare the detention facilities to concentration camps honor your pain and trauma. We  share  your pain and trauma. We hold the same stories, the same histories and the same knowledge of the Holocaust.

The reason we use Holocaust analogies is precisely the same reason that many Jewish organizations encourage us not to: The Holocaust spurs us to act because it defines so much of how we have lived and what we value in the world of justice, and because we care deeply about cherishing its memory.

In other words, it is precisely the term “concentration camp” that has moved us. It is precisely the call of “Never again” that has  mobilized  many American Jews to fight the government’s horrific policies.

This is not just a “semantic debate.” It is about how we use our Jewish history to move us. Are lessons of the Holocaust only about Jews? Or is it about justice for all? 

Rather than an exclusively historic Jewish tragedy, many American Jews see the Holocaust as a shared lesson for humanity – and Judaism a vehicle meant to spread justice. In Pew Research’s seminal  Portrait of Jewish Americans, more than half of the Jews surveyed (56 percent) reported that “working for justice and equality is essential to what being Jewish means to them.” Tellingly, over 73 percent said “remembering the Holocaust” is an essential part of what being Jewish means to them. 

For most American Jews, tribal fears over intermarriage and assimilation are of secondary (if any) concern. What matters instead is leading an ethical/moral life (69 percent) and keeping Judaism’s social justice legacy alive, with memory of the Holocaust high among their priorities.

As we millennial American Jews became adults, legacy institutions and policies were openly challenged. The problem is, the old guard has become so used to being in control of American Judaism that it hasn’t seen the changes happening right in front of its eyes.

According to a May survey conducted by the Jewish Electorate Institute,  78 percent of Jews disapprove of how President Donald Trump is handling family separation  — more than they disapprove of his handling of any other issue, including anti-Semitism (71 percent). 

But it is not just numbers. It is energy.

While legacy institutions spend hundreds of millions of dollars every year trying to increase “engagement” among young Jews, young Jews themselves were able to launch an organization virtually from scratch. Literally overnight, Never Again Action  mobilized hundreds, and then thousands, to take to the streets and protest ICE directly.

The people who have taken to the streets are not just motivated by their Judaism in abstract terms. They are motivated because of the comparisons to “concentration camps” and because they see the cry of “Never again” as a warning to call out injustices committed against a minority as soon as it begins.

I appreciate that the arguments of those who say that  the Holocaust is a “historically and phenomenologically unique” event  are almost always made in good faith. But that is not the only narrative and never has been. Mainstream institutions have said for decades that the point of teaching about the Holocaust is to help young people “ explore the dangers of remaining silent, apathetic, and indifferent to the oppression of others ” and “ reflect on the choices they confront today and consider how they can make a difference.”

The energy is with the people for whom the Holocaust is a call to broad values.

Most American Jewish organizations wouldn’t dare work with an organization that is managed by Jews they largely consider beyond the pale because some are associated with organizations, like IfNotNow, that can be highly critical of Israel. But these Jews demand attention and respect. And if you ignore them, you do so at your own peril. 

And if you cannot even respect them, you must at least recognize their very diversity of values as part of the Jewish narrative. Perhaps the most important finding in the 2013 Pew survey? Ninety-four percent of Jews are proud to be Jewish.

If we cannot learn to respect one another and the diversity of lessons we draw from Jewish history, then people like Pence will continue to use our divisions as political leverage to silence others. They will continue to speak for Jews and use a one-sided view of Jewish history against the defenseless.

Meanwhile, they will continue to invite  anti-Semitic cartoonists  to the White House with hardly any repercussions. They will continue to see Jews as one-dimensional cartoons that they can use for their own benefit.

All because we cannot imagine that a multi-dimensional Jewish world exists.

October 1, 2026
The latest Jewish Electorate Institute survey gives Democrats a commanding 71 percent to 23 percent advantage among Jewish voters on the generic congressional ballot, virtually unchanged from its March poll. Sixty-nine percent identify as Democrats, while 24 percent identify as Republicans.  The same poll contains a less comfortable set of numbers, though: 57 percent of Jewish voters overall say antisemitism is increasing within the Democratic Party, while 35 percent of Jewish Democrats say the rise of anti-Israel Democratic candidates has made it harder for them personally to identify as Democrats. The votes may still be staying Democratic, but for some Jewish voters, identification with the party is becoming more complicated.
September 25, 2026
Our latest JEI poll shows American Jews are still overwhelmingly pro-Israel but also very critical of Israel and Prime Minister Netanyahu. A majority are concerned that Netanyahu’s actions have increased antisemitic and anti-Israel sentiment. While this is more prevalent among Democrats, even a third of GOP Jews are greatly concerned. This poll also shows the divisions on some recent hot button issues. For instance, most Democrats support cutting aid to Israel, while majorities of independents and Republicans are opposed. There is also a division on the recent pro-Israel action in primary elections – with over a third of Jews feeling it has made things worse, while an increasing plurality feel it is more important than ever. Jews Are Pro-Israel But Very Critical Of Netanyahu, Though Not Focused On The Upcoming Israeli Election An overwhelming 86% of American Jews identify themselves as Pro-Israel, including 65% saying they are pro-Israel but critical of some or many of Israeli government policies. This is barely changed from the March JEI poll which showed 86% pro-Israel and 63% critical. Nearly three quarters (71%) see Israel favorably compared to 25% unfavorably – barely changed from March (71%/24%). At the same time, 61% have an unfavorable view of Netanyahu, with 34% favorable. This is within a point of Netanyahu’s standing from the JEI post-election poll in November 2024 which showed 33% favorable, 61% unfavorable. While 80% of American Jews are following the November elections in the U.S., only 38% are following the October elections in Israel. They do, however, have a strong preference in the outcome with 60% wanting Netanyahu replaced, including 53% feeling strongly. Only 16% of American Jews want to see him reelected. A Majority Are Concerned Netanyahu Has Increased Anti-Semitic And Anti-Israel Feelings Nearly half of American Jews are concerned about antisemitic rhetoric in the Republican (48% a great deal of concern) and Democratic (44%) Parties. Even among partisans roughly three in ten are greatly concerned about antisemitic rhetoric within their own party, with 29% of Republicans saying that about the GOP and 34% of Democrats saying it about their party. A 56% majority of Jews have a great deal of concern that “Israel’s actions under Netanyahu have increased antisemitism and anti-Israel sentiment in the U.S.” Two thirds (65%) of Democratic Jews feel this way, and nearly half (46%) of independents and a third (34%) of Republicans. Most Democrats Would Cut Aid To Israel, But Republicans & Independents Are Opposed A 52% majority of Jews support cutting or eliminating aid to Israel, with 17% supporting “eliminating all $3.3 billion in military aid that the U.S. provides Israel” and 36% preferring to cut but not eliminate aid. Four in ten (40%) would keep aid at current levels, with 8% not sure. There are stark differences on partisanship, with nearly two thirds of Democrats (63%) wanting to cut or eliminate aid, and a similar two thirds of Republicans (67%) and independents (65%) for keeping current levels. Four in ten (40%) Jews are concerned about Congressional support for eliminating aid for “defensive weapons like Iron Dome” (40%), only slightly higher than concern for eliminating “offensive weapons” (36%). A majority of Republicans are concerned about cuts to either offensive (54%) or defensive weapon (56%), while less than half of independents are concerned (44% defensive, 45% offensive) and only a third of Democrats (34% defensive, 29% offensive.) Still there is more of a cost for a Member of Congress voting to cut aid, than a benefit. Nearly half (47%) are less likely to support a Member voting to cut aid, including 36% of those who support cutting aid themselves. Only one in five (21%) are more likely to vote for a Member cutting aid. Even among those who support cuts, only 13% are more likely to support a Member voting that way. Views On AIPAC And The Recent Primary Battles Are Mixed, Even Among Democrats A majority (51%) of American Jews have heard at least something about pro-Israel activity in this year’s primary elections – up from 38% in March. However, higher awareness has not dramatically changed opinions. A narrow 39% plurality support the pro-Israel activity in the primaries, 35% oppose it, and 26% are unsure; very similar to March (37% support, 32% oppose, 31% not sure). Given a choice between two statements, 45% believe “With increasing anti-Israel sentiment and threats to Israel, it is more important than ever for pro-Israel groups to play an active role against candidates who are not supportive enough of a strong US-Israel relationship”, while 37% believe that “These heavy-handed efforts by pro-Israel groups in primary elections make things worse by turning voters against a strong US-Israel relationship, and they should stop.” Large majorities of Republicans and independents believe it more important than ever for pro-Israel groups to get involved in the primaries. But while Democrats lean the other way, they are more torn – with 46% saying the pro-Israel activity is making things worse, but the majority of Democrats either think it’s more important than ever (34%) or are not sure (20%). Indeed, views of AIPAC, the biggest pro-Israel spender in primaries, are mixed, with 42% favorable, 35% unfavorable, and 24% not sure. AIPAC is seen favorably by most independents (55% favorable, 15% unfavorable) and Republicans (71% favorable, 12% unfavorable). Jewish Democrats are 44% unfavorable, with a majority either favorable (31%) or not sure (25%). Moreover, Democratic Jews do not fit easily into one box on AIPAC. Nearly half (45%) agree with the statement “AIPAC is being unfairly singled out for doing just what other advocacy groups do”. Yet 30% agree they cannot vote for a candidate who accepts money from AIPAC, while 19% cannot support a candidate who refuses money from AIPAC. While American Jews are generally together on being pro-Israel even if critical of the government, there are divisions on what should be done in the U.S. on aid and elections.
September 25, 2026
September 23, 2026 The Honorable Mike Johnson Speaker of the United States House of Representatives United States House of Representatives Washington, DC 20515 Dear Mr. Speaker: I submit this statement for the record in support of H.R. 10052 and S. 5289, the Right to Worship Act. I am grateful to Representatives Brad Knott, Tom Suozzi, Michael Lawler, and Josh Gottheimer and Senators Ted Cruz and Elissa Slotkin for their bipartisan leadership in introducing this important legislation to protect the fundamental right of Americans to worship without fear, intimidation, or deliberate disruption. For Jewish Americans, this protection is particularly urgent. Synagogues should be places where Jewish families can gather in prayer, celebrate Shabbat and holidays, educate their children, and sustain their communities. No one should have to approach a synagogue wondering whether protesters will block the entrance, intimidate worshippers, prevent families from entering, or deliberately disrupt religious services. The Right to Worship Act recognizes a basic principle of religious liberty: Americans must be able to enter their houses of worship and participate in religious services without being subjected to conduct that meaningfully interferes with their ability to worship. The legislation establishes a narrowly tailored 100-foot protection zone around entrances to houses of worship during scheduled religious services and prohibits knowing conduct that disrupts services or hinders, deters, threatens, or intimidates people seeking to attend. This protection is not about preventing peaceful expression or legitimate public debate. The legislation specifically distinguishes protected expression from conduct that interferes with the ability of people to worship. That distinction is essential. Americans have a constitutional right to express their views, including views with which others strongly disagree. But that right should not be used as a justification for preventing another person from exercising the equally fundamental right to freely practice their religion. The need for this protection is especially clear for Jewish communities. In recent years, Jewish Americans have faced protests, intimidation, threats, and security concerns at and around synagogues and other Jewish institutions. Jewish families should not have to choose between exercising their faith and avoiding confrontation at the doors of their houses of worship. The right to worship is a foundational American freedom. It belongs to Jews, Christians, Muslims, Sikhs, Hindus, and Americans of every faith. Protecting houses of worship therefore is not a special accommodation for any one religious community. It is a protection of religious liberty itself. We also recognize the importance of maintaining the careful balance between religious freedom and the First Amendment's protection of speech and peaceful assembly. The Right to Worship Act addresses that balance by focusing on conduct that actually disrupts religious services or prevents or intimidates individuals from attending them, rather than on the viewpoint or content of someone's speech. We support continued careful consideration of the legislation to ensure that its protections remain clear, appropriately tailored, and consistent with constitutional rights. For Jewish Americans, the ability to walk through the doors of a synagogue and worship openly is not an abstract principle. It is an essential part of Jewish communal life and religious freedom. A Jewish family should be able to attend services on Shabbat or a holiday without being blocked, threatened, intimidated, or made to feel that entering their synagogue is itself an act of confrontation. Religious freedom cannot exist if people are technically free to worship but are effectively prevented from doing so by intimidation or deliberate disruption at the doors of their houses of worship. We strongly support the goals of the Right to Worship Act and urge Congress to advance this bipartisan legislation. Protecting the right of Americans to gather, pray, and practice their faith is a constitutional responsibility and a fundamental American value. The freedom to worship belongs to all of us. Congress should ensure that every American can exercise that freedom without fear. Sincerely,