Moment Magazine: Five Things to Know This Week: Polls Show Rising Fear Among American Jews

June 4, 2019

By Nathan Guttman

1. A state of fear

This week, the American Jewish Committee released its  annual survey  which, this year, looks not only at the opinions of American Jews but also at those of Israeli and French Jews.

The results provide a fascinating snapshot of their views on politics, Israel and anti-Semitism. For American Jews, one response stands out: “Compared to a year ago, is the status of Jews in the United States more secure or less secure?” A majority, 65%, responded that Jews are less secure in America than they were a year ago. Only 15% thought that they are safer.

These results correspond with a  Jewish Electoral Institute survey  published a week earlier that asked a similar question, although it focused on the changing sense of security from the time Donald Trump took office. According to this survey, 73% of Jewish Americans feel Jews have become less secure in these past two years.

How much of this sense of insecurity has to do with politics and how much of it is a result of facts on the ground? Both factors come into play. The facts are indisputable. American Jews, after decades of relative safety, woke up the morning of October 27 to the news about the Tree of Life synagogue shooting in Pittsburgh, the worst attack ever on Jewish Americans, which left 11 worshipers dead. Exactly six months later, it was Poway, California, where an attack on a Chabad synagogue killed one member and wounded several others. Both were carried out by white nationalist extremists with a twisted anti-Semitic ideology. The  Anti-Defamation League’s data  confirms the fears of American Jews: These are record years in terms of violent attacks against Jews and of anti-Semitic vandalism.

So the sense of diminishing security Jewish Americans feel and express in these polls is well founded in facts. But does part of their response derive from their disagreement with America’s current leadership? The Jewish Electoral Institute survey provides some insight. When asked what needs to be done to improve the security of Jews in America, 43% said there was a need to help people “with the right values” get elected, and 39% responded by saying American Jews should “work to to get Donald Trump out” of office. On the other hand, 31% believe that the way to make America safe for Jews is to “press Democrats to condemn anti-Semitism.” (Respondents were allowed to choose up to two answers). In other words, just as anti-Semitism has become a political issue in America since the 2016 elections, so has the sense of safety American Jews feel. Adding to the indisputable factual claim that America has become a more dangerous place for Jews, there is also an added-on political tint. Democrats are likely to believe that the problem can be solved simply by removing Donald Trump. Republicans believe Americans will be safer when Democrats stand up to BDS and other forms of Israel-bashing. The truth, as always, is somewhere in between.

Most of the documented attacks on Jews and on Jewish property were carried out by white nationalists. Much of the sense of discomfort Jewish students feel on college campuses stems from the actions of anti-Israel activists. Trump could do a lot more to deal with the former instead of sending mixed signals. Democrats could take more action to respond to the latter. Restoring the sense of security to American Jewish life will require action on both fronts, but even more importantly, it will require the Jewish community to come to terms with the fact that old threats have come back to haunt the community and that safety and security of Jewish life in America are, once again, a paramount concern.

2. Is the political shift really happening?

Polls of Jewish Americans offer a wonderful opportunity to take the political pulse of the community. To be sure, the findings in terms of partisan shifts are largely meaningless, given the the relatively small sample group and the difficulty in reaching and defining Jewish voters.

But, since there’s nothing that moves the community more than predicting shifts in the elusive “Jewish vote,” here’s a quick take on where Jewish voters stand based on recent polls:

According to the AJC poll, 49% of Jewish Americans see themselves as Democrats, 18% Republican, 20% Independent and 12% described their party affiliation as “other.” This indicates a slight drop in Jewish support for the Democrats and an increase on the Republican side. The Jewish Electorate Institute’s survey confirms the small decline on the Democratic side but moves vote to independent, rather than Republican. Bottom line: There may be a Rashida Tlaib/Ilhan Omer effect among Jewish voters. Some on the margins may feel less at ease with their party. But this small shift, if any, will make little difference at the end of the day. Concerned Democrats aren’t becoming Trump supporters. In fact, the only constant and significant data point in all polls are the negative feelings Jewish Americans espouse toward Trump.

3. Shocker: Leaks plague meetings with Jewish leaders

Secretary of State Mike Pompeo sat down last week in New York with members of the Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish American Organizations. The meeting was a chance to brief the Jewish community, or at least leaders of most of its largest Jewish groups, about the Trump administration’s thoughts and plans regarding the Middle East. Then on Sunday, details of the closed-door meeting were revealed thanks to an extensive  Washington Post  article, based on a recording of Pompeo’s talk, apparently provided by one of the participants.

What made it interesting was Pompeo’s seemingly pessimistic, or realistic at best, view of the administration’s “deal of the century.” He is heard saying that the plan “may be rejected” and that some could argue the ideas included in it are “unexecutable.” There were those who expressed dismay not at the substance of Pompeo’s remarks but at the fact that content of a meeting between a senior administration official and Jewish leaders found its way to the press.  “The fact that a guest at this meeting took an audio and provided it to the media is disgusting,”  tweeted  Ari Fleischer, a former Bush White House press secretary who is now an RJC board member. “The guests were fortunate to be invited to a meeting like this. To record it and release it is a betrayal of trust.”

But did Pompeo see it as a betrayal of trust? Probably not. Meetings in large forums are notoriously prone to leaks, and closed-door meetings with Jewish leaders are known to be anything but closed-doored. Pompeo, a veteran politician and former CIA director must have known that whatever he says would get leaked. The only surprise is that it took so long.

4. Owning and disowning the “deal of the century”

But back to the substance of Pompeo’s comments. He seemed to be dissing the peace plan, or at least expressing a fair amount of skepticism about it. This isn’t usually what senior officials do when discussing a plan about to be rolled out by an administration they are part of. But that’s exactly the point. Pompeo doesn’t necessarily feel part of the “deal of the century” and does not share the need to defend it. In fact, the State Department has been shut out of discussions about the peace plan, which was formulated by Jared Kushner, Jason Greenblatt and a small team at the White House. Another way of reading Pompeo’s comments: Hey, Jared came up with a plan. It might work, it might fail. Not my plan.

5. Trump’s lesson: Democracy (in Israel) can be messy

Israeli politics can be hard to follow, especially Netanyahu’s last-ditch maneuver last week in which he dissolved the Knesset after failing to form a new government. And one of those scratching their heads trying to figure out what’s going on in the “only democracy in the Middle East” is no other than President Trump. “Israel is all messed up with their election, I mean that came out of the blue three days ago. So that’s all messed up. They ought to get their act together,” Trump told reporters before taking off to the UK. “I mean, Bibi got elected, now all of a sudden they’re going to have to go through the process again until September. That’s ridiculous. So we’re not happy about that.” If only there was some kind of government agency or White House adviser who could help the president of the United States understand how Israel’s political system works.

Newsweek: Political Smoke Alarm... Jewish Voter Identification Becoming More Complicated

October 1, 2026
The latest Jewish Electorate Institute survey gives Democrats a commanding 71 percent to 23 percent advantage among Jewish voters on the generic congressional ballot, virtually unchanged from its March poll. Sixty-nine percent identify as Democrats, while 24 percent identify as Republicans.  The same poll contains a less comfortable set of numbers, though: 57 percent of Jewish voters overall say antisemitism is increasing within the Democratic Party, while 35 percent of Jewish Democrats say the rise of anti-Israel Democratic candidates has made it harder for them personally to identify as Democrats. The votes may still be staying Democratic, but for some Jewish voters, identification with the party is becoming more complicated.

NEW POLL: What’s on the minds of Jewish Americans today?

September 25, 2026
Our latest JEI poll shows American Jews are still overwhelmingly pro-Israel but also very critical of Israel and Prime Minister Netanyahu. A majority are concerned that Netanyahu’s actions have increased antisemitic and anti-Israel sentiment. While this is more prevalent among Democrats, even a third of GOP Jews are greatly concerned. This poll also shows the divisions on some recent hot button issues. For instance, most Democrats support cutting aid to Israel, while majorities of independents and Republicans are opposed. There is also a division on the recent pro-Israel action in primary elections – with over a third of Jews feeling it has made things worse, while an increasing plurality feel it is more important than ever. Jews Are Pro-Israel But Very Critical Of Netanyahu, Though Not Focused On The Upcoming Israeli Election An overwhelming 86% of American Jews identify themselves as Pro-Israel, including 65% saying they are pro-Israel but critical of some or many of Israeli government policies. This is barely changed from the March JEI poll which showed 86% pro-Israel and 63% critical. Nearly three quarters (71%) see Israel favorably compared to 25% unfavorably – barely changed from March (71%/24%). At the same time, 61% have an unfavorable view of Netanyahu, with 34% favorable. This is within a point of Netanyahu’s standing from the JEI post-election poll in November 2024 which showed 33% favorable, 61% unfavorable. While 80% of American Jews are following the November elections in the U.S., only 38% are following the October elections in Israel. They do, however, have a strong preference in the outcome with 60% wanting Netanyahu replaced, including 53% feeling strongly. Only 16% of American Jews want to see him reelected. A Majority Are Concerned Netanyahu Has Increased Anti-Semitic And Anti-Israel Feelings Nearly half of American Jews are concerned about antisemitic rhetoric in the Republican (48% a great deal of concern) and Democratic (44%) Parties. Even among partisans roughly three in ten are greatly concerned about antisemitic rhetoric within their own party, with 29% of Republicans saying that about the GOP and 34% of Democrats saying it about their party. A 56% majority of Jews have a great deal of concern that “Israel’s actions under Netanyahu have increased antisemitism and anti-Israel sentiment in the U.S.” Two thirds (65%) of Democratic Jews feel this way, and nearly half (46%) of independents and a third (34%) of Republicans. Most Democrats Would Cut Aid To Israel, But Republicans & Independents Are Opposed A 52% majority of Jews support cutting or eliminating aid to Israel, with 17% supporting “eliminating all $3.3 billion in military aid that the U.S. provides Israel” and 36% preferring to cut but not eliminate aid. Four in ten (40%) would keep aid at current levels, with 8% not sure. There are stark differences on partisanship, with nearly two thirds of Democrats (63%) wanting to cut or eliminate aid, and a similar two thirds of Republicans (67%) and independents (65%) for keeping current levels. Four in ten (40%) Jews are concerned about Congressional support for eliminating aid for “defensive weapons like Iron Dome” (40%), only slightly higher than concern for eliminating “offensive weapons” (36%). A majority of Republicans are concerned about cuts to either offensive (54%) or defensive weapon (56%), while less than half of independents are concerned (44% defensive, 45% offensive) and only a third of Democrats (34% defensive, 29% offensive.) Still there is more of a cost for a Member of Congress voting to cut aid, than a benefit. Nearly half (47%) are less likely to support a Member voting to cut aid, including 36% of those who support cutting aid themselves. Only one in five (21%) are more likely to vote for a Member cutting aid. Even among those who support cuts, only 13% are more likely to support a Member voting that way. Views On AIPAC And The Recent Primary Battles Are Mixed, Even Among Democrats A majority (51%) of American Jews have heard at least something about pro-Israel activity in this year’s primary elections – up from 38% in March. However, higher awareness has not dramatically changed opinions. A narrow 39% plurality support the pro-Israel activity in the primaries, 35% oppose it, and 26% are unsure; very similar to March (37% support, 32% oppose, 31% not sure). Given a choice between two statements, 45% believe “With increasing anti-Israel sentiment and threats to Israel, it is more important than ever for pro-Israel groups to play an active role against candidates who are not supportive enough of a strong US-Israel relationship”, while 37% believe that “These heavy-handed efforts by pro-Israel groups in primary elections make things worse by turning voters against a strong US-Israel relationship, and they should stop.” Large majorities of Republicans and independents believe it more important than ever for pro-Israel groups to get involved in the primaries. But while Democrats lean the other way, they are more torn – with 46% saying the pro-Israel activity is making things worse, but the majority of Democrats either think it’s more important than ever (34%) or are not sure (20%). Indeed, views of AIPAC, the biggest pro-Israel spender in primaries, are mixed, with 42% favorable, 35% unfavorable, and 24% not sure. AIPAC is seen favorably by most independents (55% favorable, 15% unfavorable) and Republicans (71% favorable, 12% unfavorable). Jewish Democrats are 44% unfavorable, with a majority either favorable (31%) or not sure (25%). Moreover, Democratic Jews do not fit easily into one box on AIPAC. Nearly half (45%) agree with the statement “AIPAC is being unfairly singled out for doing just what other advocacy groups do”. Yet 30% agree they cannot vote for a candidate who accepts money from AIPAC, while 19% cannot support a candidate who refuses money from AIPAC. While American Jews are generally together on being pro-Israel even if critical of the government, there are divisions on what should be done in the U.S. on aid and elections.

JEI Advocates for Right to Worship

September 25, 2026
September 23, 2026 The Honorable Mike Johnson Speaker of the United States House of Representatives United States House of Representatives Washington, DC 20515 Dear Mr. Speaker: I submit this statement for the record in support of H.R. 10052 and S. 5289, the Right to Worship Act. I am grateful to Representatives Brad Knott, Tom Suozzi, Michael Lawler, and Josh Gottheimer and Senators Ted Cruz and Elissa Slotkin for their bipartisan leadership in introducing this important legislation to protect the fundamental right of Americans to worship without fear, intimidation, or deliberate disruption. For Jewish Americans, this protection is particularly urgent. Synagogues should be places where Jewish families can gather in prayer, celebrate Shabbat and holidays, educate their children, and sustain their communities. No one should have to approach a synagogue wondering whether protesters will block the entrance, intimidate worshippers, prevent families from entering, or deliberately disrupt religious services. The Right to Worship Act recognizes a basic principle of religious liberty: Americans must be able to enter their houses of worship and participate in religious services without being subjected to conduct that meaningfully interferes with their ability to worship. The legislation establishes a narrowly tailored 100-foot protection zone around entrances to houses of worship during scheduled religious services and prohibits knowing conduct that disrupts services or hinders, deters, threatens, or intimidates people seeking to attend. This protection is not about preventing peaceful expression or legitimate public debate. The legislation specifically distinguishes protected expression from conduct that interferes with the ability of people to worship. That distinction is essential. Americans have a constitutional right to express their views, including views with which others strongly disagree. But that right should not be used as a justification for preventing another person from exercising the equally fundamental right to freely practice their religion. The need for this protection is especially clear for Jewish communities. In recent years, Jewish Americans have faced protests, intimidation, threats, and security concerns at and around synagogues and other Jewish institutions. Jewish families should not have to choose between exercising their faith and avoiding confrontation at the doors of their houses of worship. The right to worship is a foundational American freedom. It belongs to Jews, Christians, Muslims, Sikhs, Hindus, and Americans of every faith. Protecting houses of worship therefore is not a special accommodation for any one religious community. It is a protection of religious liberty itself. We also recognize the importance of maintaining the careful balance between religious freedom and the First Amendment's protection of speech and peaceful assembly. The Right to Worship Act addresses that balance by focusing on conduct that actually disrupts religious services or prevents or intimidates individuals from attending them, rather than on the viewpoint or content of someone's speech. We support continued careful consideration of the legislation to ensure that its protections remain clear, appropriately tailored, and consistent with constitutional rights. For Jewish Americans, the ability to walk through the doors of a synagogue and worship openly is not an abstract principle. It is an essential part of Jewish communal life and religious freedom. A Jewish family should be able to attend services on Shabbat or a holiday without being blocked, threatened, intimidated, or made to feel that entering their synagogue is itself an act of confrontation. Religious freedom cannot exist if people are technically free to worship but are effectively prevented from doing so by intimidation or deliberate disruption at the doors of their houses of worship. We strongly support the goals of the Right to Worship Act and urge Congress to advance this bipartisan legislation. Protecting the right of Americans to gather, pray, and practice their faith is a constitutional responsibility and a fundamental American value. The freedom to worship belongs to all of us. Congress should ensure that every American can exercise that freedom without fear. Sincerely,