Washington Post: American Jewish voters still despise Trump

May 24, 2019

By Jennifer Rubin

The Jewish Electorate Institute’s latest poll  confirms what those who closely follow the Jewish community and political opinion about Israel have long known: American Jews remain among the most anti-Trump religious groups. While the president’s support for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s policies might endear him to evangelicals (his core base of support), it does absolutely nothing for him with American Jews. If Israel’s non-Jewish critics have a beef with our current stance toward Israel, they should take it up with right-wing evangelicals, on whom Trump is entirely dependent and who cheer his embrace of Netanyahu.

The poll tells us:

Nearly three-quarters (73 percent) of Jewish voters believe Jewish Americans are less secure than they were two years ago, 71 percent disapprove of the way President Trump has handled anti-Semitism, and nearly 60 percent believe that he bears at least some responsibility for the shootings at synagogues in Pittsburgh and Poway. Two-thirds of the Jewish electorate remains firmly aligned with the Democratic Party, and there has been no change in the percentage of Jewish voters identifying as Republicans since JEI’s October 2018 poll; it remains at 25 percent.

Finally, the results demonstrate Jewish voters’ view of President Trump and how they plan to vote in the 2020 election: 71 percent disapprove of President Trumps’ overall job performance, 70 percent view him unfavorably, 67 percent would vote for a generic Democrat over President Trump, and 65 percent would vote for Democratic candidate Joe Biden over President Trump.


For decades now, American Jews have defied the anti-Semitic stereotype of dual loyalty. Their politics is driven by cultural and moral sensibilities, not by politicians’ favoritism toward Israel. This does not mean that American Jews are indifferent to Israel. Far from it; they remain staunchly pro-Israel (about 90 percent are pro-Israel). However, like most Americans, they don’t rank foreign policy at or near the top of their concerns. In fact, for Jews, Israel ranks  dead last  in their list of concerns. We can speculate whether that is a function of the current Israeli government; a sense that Israel is a robust and successful nation that does not require our constant attention; a widening rift between Israel and diaspora Jewry; or whether, just as with every other group of Americans, Jewish Americans’ domestic concerns that affect their lives swamp issues related to foreign affairs.

And that is precisely why the overwhelming majority of American Jews cannot abide Trump:

Nearly three-quarters (73 percent) say Jews in the United States are less secure compared to two years ago. A majority (59 percent) think President Trump is at least partially responsible for recent targeted attacks on synagogues, and a plurality (38 percent) have concerns that President Trump is encouraging violent ultra-right extremists. A broad majority (71 percent) disapprove of President Trump’s handling of anti-Semitism, including a 54 percent majority who strongly disapprove.

Should we be surprised that the friend (Trump) of their enemy (white nationalism) is their enemy? The president denies that their enemy is even a threat and therefore earns their enmity. Trump’s replacement rhetoric (the United States is “full”), his blood-and-soil nationalism and his contempt for the rule of law strike at the heart of Jews’ worries about their safety and security in a multiethnic society. Their ancestors left places such as Russia so as not to be at the whim of anti-Semitic autocrats; the United States was supposed to be their refuge.

Moreover, given the values that are near and dear to the experiences of the Jewish community, Trump’s conduct sparks outrage, leaving him “with only 23 percent voter support, 29 percent job approval, and 26 percent favorability among Jewish voters.” Specifically, American Jews disapprove most strongly of Trump’s handling of “family separations at the Mexican border (78 percent), handling of DACA recipients (74 percent), guns (74 percent), handling of the Mueller Report (73 percent), anti-Semitism (71 percent), building of the border wall (71 percent), taxes (70 percent), Supreme Court nominations (69 percent), health care (69 percent), and banning immigration from certain Muslim-majority countries (66 percent).”

We should keep in mind several points.

First, what Trump is doing for Israel for domestic consumption is not aimed at nor impressing American Jews. It is aimed, as is everything, at securing his right-wing base, which is disproportionately white and evangelical.

Second, Israel’s long-standing strategy to maintain bipartisan support is endangered by hitching its wagon so securely to a hugely unpopular American president. To the extent that the current Israeli government is seen as paying homage ( naming a town  after him!) personally to Trump, it will only provoke rancor among the 65 percent of Americans (including the vast number of American Jews) who don’t approve of the president. Groups such as the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) should tread carefully, steering away from Trump adulation and maintaining their support for the United States as an “honest broker” in the Middle East.

Third, the far left’s dual loyalty and other anti-Semitic tropes (e.g. controlling the U.S. government by political money) are morally disgraceful and ludicrously misdirected at Jewish Americans. For better or worse, American Jews aren’t motivated by Israel. They are, however, greatly offended by anti-Semitism, whether it comes from the right or left, and will expect both political parties to drum out anti-Semites.

Fourth, on the topic of right-wing nationalism and its resulting violence against Jews, African Americans and Muslims, it strikes me that we should apply the same rules to evangelical leaders that they apply to Muslim leaders:  Why aren’t they more forcefully rooting out violent extremists? Why don’t they police their own, set up programs to prevent radicalization and condemn language that echoes the rhetoric of violent extremists?  (One can understand why Vice President Pence’s fanning of white Christian victimhood — they are mocked, he insists — is so infuriating to actual victims who are the target of hate crimes and even mass murder.)

Finally, Trump’s effort to win over Jewish voters by demonizing Democrats (who oppose his policies that most American Jews find abhorrent) is a ridiculous failure, as are the efforts of groups such as the Republican Jewish Coalition to convince American Jews that Republicans have their interests at heart. They might as well be arguing that Muslims are better served by Trump’s party.

In short, as a religious minority, perpetual immigrants in history due to widespread persecution, who deeply value civil liberties and the rule of law, American Jews could barely imagine a worse president than Trump. He offends their core values and cultivates an atmosphere that endangers them. Unfortunately for Trump and his hypnotized Republican Party, they also turn out to vote in large numbers.

October 1, 2026
The latest Jewish Electorate Institute survey gives Democrats a commanding 71 percent to 23 percent advantage among Jewish voters on the generic congressional ballot, virtually unchanged from its March poll. Sixty-nine percent identify as Democrats, while 24 percent identify as Republicans.  The same poll contains a less comfortable set of numbers, though: 57 percent of Jewish voters overall say antisemitism is increasing within the Democratic Party, while 35 percent of Jewish Democrats say the rise of anti-Israel Democratic candidates has made it harder for them personally to identify as Democrats. The votes may still be staying Democratic, but for some Jewish voters, identification with the party is becoming more complicated.
September 25, 2026
Our latest JEI poll shows American Jews are still overwhelmingly pro-Israel but also very critical of Israel and Prime Minister Netanyahu. A majority are concerned that Netanyahu’s actions have increased antisemitic and anti-Israel sentiment. While this is more prevalent among Democrats, even a third of GOP Jews are greatly concerned. This poll also shows the divisions on some recent hot button issues. For instance, most Democrats support cutting aid to Israel, while majorities of independents and Republicans are opposed. There is also a division on the recent pro-Israel action in primary elections – with over a third of Jews feeling it has made things worse, while an increasing plurality feel it is more important than ever. Jews Are Pro-Israel But Very Critical Of Netanyahu, Though Not Focused On The Upcoming Israeli Election An overwhelming 86% of American Jews identify themselves as Pro-Israel, including 65% saying they are pro-Israel but critical of some or many of Israeli government policies. This is barely changed from the March JEI poll which showed 86% pro-Israel and 63% critical. Nearly three quarters (71%) see Israel favorably compared to 25% unfavorably – barely changed from March (71%/24%). At the same time, 61% have an unfavorable view of Netanyahu, with 34% favorable. This is within a point of Netanyahu’s standing from the JEI post-election poll in November 2024 which showed 33% favorable, 61% unfavorable. While 80% of American Jews are following the November elections in the U.S., only 38% are following the October elections in Israel. They do, however, have a strong preference in the outcome with 60% wanting Netanyahu replaced, including 53% feeling strongly. Only 16% of American Jews want to see him reelected. A Majority Are Concerned Netanyahu Has Increased Anti-Semitic And Anti-Israel Feelings Nearly half of American Jews are concerned about antisemitic rhetoric in the Republican (48% a great deal of concern) and Democratic (44%) Parties. Even among partisans roughly three in ten are greatly concerned about antisemitic rhetoric within their own party, with 29% of Republicans saying that about the GOP and 34% of Democrats saying it about their party. A 56% majority of Jews have a great deal of concern that “Israel’s actions under Netanyahu have increased antisemitism and anti-Israel sentiment in the U.S.” Two thirds (65%) of Democratic Jews feel this way, and nearly half (46%) of independents and a third (34%) of Republicans. Most Democrats Would Cut Aid To Israel, But Republicans & Independents Are Opposed A 52% majority of Jews support cutting or eliminating aid to Israel, with 17% supporting “eliminating all $3.3 billion in military aid that the U.S. provides Israel” and 36% preferring to cut but not eliminate aid. Four in ten (40%) would keep aid at current levels, with 8% not sure. There are stark differences on partisanship, with nearly two thirds of Democrats (63%) wanting to cut or eliminate aid, and a similar two thirds of Republicans (67%) and independents (65%) for keeping current levels. Four in ten (40%) Jews are concerned about Congressional support for eliminating aid for “defensive weapons like Iron Dome” (40%), only slightly higher than concern for eliminating “offensive weapons” (36%). A majority of Republicans are concerned about cuts to either offensive (54%) or defensive weapon (56%), while less than half of independents are concerned (44% defensive, 45% offensive) and only a third of Democrats (34% defensive, 29% offensive.) Still there is more of a cost for a Member of Congress voting to cut aid, than a benefit. Nearly half (47%) are less likely to support a Member voting to cut aid, including 36% of those who support cutting aid themselves. Only one in five (21%) are more likely to vote for a Member cutting aid. Even among those who support cuts, only 13% are more likely to support a Member voting that way. Views On AIPAC And The Recent Primary Battles Are Mixed, Even Among Democrats A majority (51%) of American Jews have heard at least something about pro-Israel activity in this year’s primary elections – up from 38% in March. However, higher awareness has not dramatically changed opinions. A narrow 39% plurality support the pro-Israel activity in the primaries, 35% oppose it, and 26% are unsure; very similar to March (37% support, 32% oppose, 31% not sure). Given a choice between two statements, 45% believe “With increasing anti-Israel sentiment and threats to Israel, it is more important than ever for pro-Israel groups to play an active role against candidates who are not supportive enough of a strong US-Israel relationship”, while 37% believe that “These heavy-handed efforts by pro-Israel groups in primary elections make things worse by turning voters against a strong US-Israel relationship, and they should stop.” Large majorities of Republicans and independents believe it more important than ever for pro-Israel groups to get involved in the primaries. But while Democrats lean the other way, they are more torn – with 46% saying the pro-Israel activity is making things worse, but the majority of Democrats either think it’s more important than ever (34%) or are not sure (20%). Indeed, views of AIPAC, the biggest pro-Israel spender in primaries, are mixed, with 42% favorable, 35% unfavorable, and 24% not sure. AIPAC is seen favorably by most independents (55% favorable, 15% unfavorable) and Republicans (71% favorable, 12% unfavorable). Jewish Democrats are 44% unfavorable, with a majority either favorable (31%) or not sure (25%). Moreover, Democratic Jews do not fit easily into one box on AIPAC. Nearly half (45%) agree with the statement “AIPAC is being unfairly singled out for doing just what other advocacy groups do”. Yet 30% agree they cannot vote for a candidate who accepts money from AIPAC, while 19% cannot support a candidate who refuses money from AIPAC. While American Jews are generally together on being pro-Israel even if critical of the government, there are divisions on what should be done in the U.S. on aid and elections.
September 25, 2026
September 23, 2026 The Honorable Mike Johnson Speaker of the United States House of Representatives United States House of Representatives Washington, DC 20515 Dear Mr. Speaker: I submit this statement for the record in support of H.R. 10052 and S. 5289, the Right to Worship Act. I am grateful to Representatives Brad Knott, Tom Suozzi, Michael Lawler, and Josh Gottheimer and Senators Ted Cruz and Elissa Slotkin for their bipartisan leadership in introducing this important legislation to protect the fundamental right of Americans to worship without fear, intimidation, or deliberate disruption. For Jewish Americans, this protection is particularly urgent. Synagogues should be places where Jewish families can gather in prayer, celebrate Shabbat and holidays, educate their children, and sustain their communities. No one should have to approach a synagogue wondering whether protesters will block the entrance, intimidate worshippers, prevent families from entering, or deliberately disrupt religious services. The Right to Worship Act recognizes a basic principle of religious liberty: Americans must be able to enter their houses of worship and participate in religious services without being subjected to conduct that meaningfully interferes with their ability to worship. The legislation establishes a narrowly tailored 100-foot protection zone around entrances to houses of worship during scheduled religious services and prohibits knowing conduct that disrupts services or hinders, deters, threatens, or intimidates people seeking to attend. This protection is not about preventing peaceful expression or legitimate public debate. The legislation specifically distinguishes protected expression from conduct that interferes with the ability of people to worship. That distinction is essential. Americans have a constitutional right to express their views, including views with which others strongly disagree. But that right should not be used as a justification for preventing another person from exercising the equally fundamental right to freely practice their religion. The need for this protection is especially clear for Jewish communities. In recent years, Jewish Americans have faced protests, intimidation, threats, and security concerns at and around synagogues and other Jewish institutions. Jewish families should not have to choose between exercising their faith and avoiding confrontation at the doors of their houses of worship. The right to worship is a foundational American freedom. It belongs to Jews, Christians, Muslims, Sikhs, Hindus, and Americans of every faith. Protecting houses of worship therefore is not a special accommodation for any one religious community. It is a protection of religious liberty itself. We also recognize the importance of maintaining the careful balance between religious freedom and the First Amendment's protection of speech and peaceful assembly. The Right to Worship Act addresses that balance by focusing on conduct that actually disrupts religious services or prevents or intimidates individuals from attending them, rather than on the viewpoint or content of someone's speech. We support continued careful consideration of the legislation to ensure that its protections remain clear, appropriately tailored, and consistent with constitutional rights. For Jewish Americans, the ability to walk through the doors of a synagogue and worship openly is not an abstract principle. It is an essential part of Jewish communal life and religious freedom. A Jewish family should be able to attend services on Shabbat or a holiday without being blocked, threatened, intimidated, or made to feel that entering their synagogue is itself an act of confrontation. Religious freedom cannot exist if people are technically free to worship but are effectively prevented from doing so by intimidation or deliberate disruption at the doors of their houses of worship. We strongly support the goals of the Right to Worship Act and urge Congress to advance this bipartisan legislation. Protecting the right of Americans to gather, pray, and practice their faith is a constitutional responsibility and a fundamental American value. The freedom to worship belongs to all of us. Congress should ensure that every American can exercise that freedom without fear. Sincerely,