New York Jewish Week: Democratic Voters Seen ‘Nuanced’ On Israel

May 22, 2019

By Shira Hanau

As pollsters try to tease out the potential results of an overstuffed Democratic presidential primary field, a portrait is beginning to emerge of what Democratic primary voters — and Jewish voters who comprise an important chunk of that electorate — want in a potential challenger to President Trump when it comes to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and other issues.

Two new polls — one from J Street, the dovish lobby group, and one from the non-partisan Jewish Electorate Institute — make clear that Democratic primary voters want the United States to be an “honest broker” in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and that Jewish voters and Democratic primary voters believe one can be pro-Israel while criticizing the Israeli government.

“People are following the issue [the Israeli-Palestinian conflict], they are supportive of Israel, but they also hold very nuanced views,” said pollster Jim Gerstein of GBAO Strategies, the firm that conducted the J Street poll.

While still eight months away from the first Democratic caucus vote in Iowa, the polls may help define the terms of Democratic debate around Israel. While support for Israel has long been the standard in the party, recent years have seen parts of the party re-evaluating its longstanding positions regarding Israel. The 2018 midterm elections brought several new faces to Congress, some of whom have espoused support for the boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement targeting Israel or interest in reviewing America’s financial support for Israel.

While the activist wing of the party views its upsets against longtime Democratic members of Congress as a victory over the party’s centrist establishment, the presidential primary may become an even stronger referendum on the direction for the party. While support for Israel may come under scrutiny in that fight, recent polling suggests it is unlikely to determine the outcome.

Last week’s J Street poll suggests that Democratic primary voters largely do not prioritize the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in their voting decisions, and that Democratic party voters are more inclined towards a candidate who is viewed as a “neutral broker” between the Israelis and Palestinians than one perceived to lean towards one side.

The survey, which was conducted between May 1 and May 5 via landlines and cell phones and included responses from 800 likely Democratic presidential primary voters, showed that Democrats are loathe to choose one side over the other in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

When presented with a choice between a hypothetical candidate who “supports both Israel and the Palestinians,” “supports Israel” or “supports Palestinians,” 75 percent of those polled chose the candidate who supports both. When asked if one could be critical of Israeli government policy while still being pro-Israel, 81 percent of respondents said yes.

The Jewish Electorate Institute’s poll, which surveyed 1,000 Jewish voters and was conducted online between May 6 and May 12, suggested a similar dynamic. While 90 percent of respondents to the JEI poll identified themselves as pro-Israel, 53 percent of those polled were critical of at least some of Israel’s current government policies, suggesting that pro-Israel voters are not a monolith.

“This poll helps to define a new playbook for Democratic candidates on Israel and Palestine,” said Jeremy Ben-Ami, J Street’s president, of the J Street poll in a call with reporters last week. “The preferred position for Democratic primary voters is to find a candidate who recognizes that there needs to be a balance between both sides.”

When asked to rate their feelings towards Israel and the Palestinians, less than half of respondents to the J Street poll said they had a favorable view of either Israel or the Palestinians, with 41 percent viewing Israel favorably versus 16 percent viewing Israel unfavorably, and 32 percent viewing the Palestinians favorably and 19 percent viewing the Palestinians unfavorably. Of those who follow the Israeli-Palestinian conflict very closely, 53 percent viewed Israel favorably and 20 percent viewed it unfavorably.

But the priority given to Israel in respondents’ voting decisions seems to be low. While a large portion of respondents follow the Israeli-Palestinian conflict “closely,” just 19 percent of respondents said they follow the conflict “very closely.” Older respondents followed the conflict much more closely than younger respondents, with 71 percent of respondents over age 65 saying they follow the conflict closely compared to 49 percent of those ages 18-29 who said the same.

Jewish voters seem to be equally disinclined to prioritize Israel over domestic issues. Respondents to the JEI survey ranked Israel lowest in a list of 16 policy priorities for Jewish voters. Issues like protecting Medicare and Social Security, making affordable health care available to all Americans, and enacting gun safety laws were among the highest priorities for Jewish voters.

For Jewish voters surveyed by JEI, anti-Semitism may be a more pressing issue when it comes time to vote in 2020. Nearly three-quarters (73 percent) of respondents said they believed the United States is currently less secure for Jews than it was two years ago. When asked whether President Trump was “at least partially responsible” for attacks on synagogues, Jewish voters were less united, with 59 percent saying he bore some responsibility and 41 percent saying he did not. A majority, 71 percent, disapproved of President Trump’s handling of anti-Semitism.

Summarizing the poll, Stan Greenberg of Greenberg Research, which conducted the survey, said, “The results demonstrate that domestic issues dominate the policy priorities of the Jewish community as they determine which candidate to support in the 2020 election, as opposed to issues related to Israel, which remains the lowest policy priority of Jewish voters. The results also demonstrate that the Jewish American electorate remains overwhelmingly opposed to President Trump, motivated largely by the Jewish community’s positions on domestic policy issues.”

J Street’s Ben-Ami emphasized the political risk for Democratic candidates who are aligned with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Netanyahu has cultivated a close relationship with President Trump, even going so far as to name a new settlement in the Golan Heights after the American president. (Many in the Jewish community have hailed President Trump for moving the U.S. embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, recognizing Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and recognizing Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights; liberal groups have pointed out that the unilateral nature of the moves is problematic.)

Democratic voters seemed to reject the closeness of the Trump-Netanyahu relationship in their responses to J Street’s poll. When presented with the description of “a candidate who says he or she strongly supports Israel, and the United States must stand behind all of Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu’s policies,” 61 percent said they would be less likely to vote for that candidate. Of “a candidate who says the United States should continue financial and military aid to Israel without any restrictions, regardless of whether Israel expands settlements or annexes Palestinian territory,” 69 percent said they would be less likely to support that candidate.

The J Street poll suggested that the BDS movement — which has been a target of those on the Jewish right and members of Congress from both sides of the aisle — was even less of a priority for Democratic primary voters. When asked about the movement against Israel, 63 percent of voters said they had not heard of it. Among those who said they follow the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, just 6 percent said they had heard “a great deal” about it and 7 percent said they had heard “a good amount” about it. When asked if they supported legislation that would penalize BDS supporters, 61 percent of those who opposed BDS said they opposed legislation to penalize those who boycott Israel.

“Democratic voters do not know what that movement [BDS] is, and the movement has no real support or opposition among Democratic voters,” said Ben-Ami. “BDS is a non-issue and the legislation to combat it is unpopular.”

Newsweek: Political Smoke Alarm... Jewish Voter Identification Becoming More Complicated

October 1, 2026
The latest Jewish Electorate Institute survey gives Democrats a commanding 71 percent to 23 percent advantage among Jewish voters on the generic congressional ballot, virtually unchanged from its March poll. Sixty-nine percent identify as Democrats, while 24 percent identify as Republicans.  The same poll contains a less comfortable set of numbers, though: 57 percent of Jewish voters overall say antisemitism is increasing within the Democratic Party, while 35 percent of Jewish Democrats say the rise of anti-Israel Democratic candidates has made it harder for them personally to identify as Democrats. The votes may still be staying Democratic, but for some Jewish voters, identification with the party is becoming more complicated.

NEW POLL: What’s on the minds of Jewish Americans today?

September 25, 2026
Our latest JEI poll shows American Jews are still overwhelmingly pro-Israel but also very critical of Israel and Prime Minister Netanyahu. A majority are concerned that Netanyahu’s actions have increased antisemitic and anti-Israel sentiment. While this is more prevalent among Democrats, even a third of GOP Jews are greatly concerned. This poll also shows the divisions on some recent hot button issues. For instance, most Democrats support cutting aid to Israel, while majorities of independents and Republicans are opposed. There is also a division on the recent pro-Israel action in primary elections – with over a third of Jews feeling it has made things worse, while an increasing plurality feel it is more important than ever. Jews Are Pro-Israel But Very Critical Of Netanyahu, Though Not Focused On The Upcoming Israeli Election An overwhelming 86% of American Jews identify themselves as Pro-Israel, including 65% saying they are pro-Israel but critical of some or many of Israeli government policies. This is barely changed from the March JEI poll which showed 86% pro-Israel and 63% critical. Nearly three quarters (71%) see Israel favorably compared to 25% unfavorably – barely changed from March (71%/24%). At the same time, 61% have an unfavorable view of Netanyahu, with 34% favorable. This is within a point of Netanyahu’s standing from the JEI post-election poll in November 2024 which showed 33% favorable, 61% unfavorable. While 80% of American Jews are following the November elections in the U.S., only 38% are following the October elections in Israel. They do, however, have a strong preference in the outcome with 60% wanting Netanyahu replaced, including 53% feeling strongly. Only 16% of American Jews want to see him reelected. A Majority Are Concerned Netanyahu Has Increased Anti-Semitic And Anti-Israel Feelings Nearly half of American Jews are concerned about antisemitic rhetoric in the Republican (48% a great deal of concern) and Democratic (44%) Parties. Even among partisans roughly three in ten are greatly concerned about antisemitic rhetoric within their own party, with 29% of Republicans saying that about the GOP and 34% of Democrats saying it about their party. A 56% majority of Jews have a great deal of concern that “Israel’s actions under Netanyahu have increased antisemitism and anti-Israel sentiment in the U.S.” Two thirds (65%) of Democratic Jews feel this way, and nearly half (46%) of independents and a third (34%) of Republicans. Most Democrats Would Cut Aid To Israel, But Republicans & Independents Are Opposed A 52% majority of Jews support cutting or eliminating aid to Israel, with 17% supporting “eliminating all $3.3 billion in military aid that the U.S. provides Israel” and 36% preferring to cut but not eliminate aid. Four in ten (40%) would keep aid at current levels, with 8% not sure. There are stark differences on partisanship, with nearly two thirds of Democrats (63%) wanting to cut or eliminate aid, and a similar two thirds of Republicans (67%) and independents (65%) for keeping current levels. Four in ten (40%) Jews are concerned about Congressional support for eliminating aid for “defensive weapons like Iron Dome” (40%), only slightly higher than concern for eliminating “offensive weapons” (36%). A majority of Republicans are concerned about cuts to either offensive (54%) or defensive weapon (56%), while less than half of independents are concerned (44% defensive, 45% offensive) and only a third of Democrats (34% defensive, 29% offensive.) Still there is more of a cost for a Member of Congress voting to cut aid, than a benefit. Nearly half (47%) are less likely to support a Member voting to cut aid, including 36% of those who support cutting aid themselves. Only one in five (21%) are more likely to vote for a Member cutting aid. Even among those who support cuts, only 13% are more likely to support a Member voting that way. Views On AIPAC And The Recent Primary Battles Are Mixed, Even Among Democrats A majority (51%) of American Jews have heard at least something about pro-Israel activity in this year’s primary elections – up from 38% in March. However, higher awareness has not dramatically changed opinions. A narrow 39% plurality support the pro-Israel activity in the primaries, 35% oppose it, and 26% are unsure; very similar to March (37% support, 32% oppose, 31% not sure). Given a choice between two statements, 45% believe “With increasing anti-Israel sentiment and threats to Israel, it is more important than ever for pro-Israel groups to play an active role against candidates who are not supportive enough of a strong US-Israel relationship”, while 37% believe that “These heavy-handed efforts by pro-Israel groups in primary elections make things worse by turning voters against a strong US-Israel relationship, and they should stop.” Large majorities of Republicans and independents believe it more important than ever for pro-Israel groups to get involved in the primaries. But while Democrats lean the other way, they are more torn – with 46% saying the pro-Israel activity is making things worse, but the majority of Democrats either think it’s more important than ever (34%) or are not sure (20%). Indeed, views of AIPAC, the biggest pro-Israel spender in primaries, are mixed, with 42% favorable, 35% unfavorable, and 24% not sure. AIPAC is seen favorably by most independents (55% favorable, 15% unfavorable) and Republicans (71% favorable, 12% unfavorable). Jewish Democrats are 44% unfavorable, with a majority either favorable (31%) or not sure (25%). Moreover, Democratic Jews do not fit easily into one box on AIPAC. Nearly half (45%) agree with the statement “AIPAC is being unfairly singled out for doing just what other advocacy groups do”. Yet 30% agree they cannot vote for a candidate who accepts money from AIPAC, while 19% cannot support a candidate who refuses money from AIPAC. While American Jews are generally together on being pro-Israel even if critical of the government, there are divisions on what should be done in the U.S. on aid and elections.

JEI Advocates for Right to Worship

September 25, 2026
September 23, 2026 The Honorable Mike Johnson Speaker of the United States House of Representatives United States House of Representatives Washington, DC 20515 Dear Mr. Speaker: I submit this statement for the record in support of H.R. 10052 and S. 5289, the Right to Worship Act. I am grateful to Representatives Brad Knott, Tom Suozzi, Michael Lawler, and Josh Gottheimer and Senators Ted Cruz and Elissa Slotkin for their bipartisan leadership in introducing this important legislation to protect the fundamental right of Americans to worship without fear, intimidation, or deliberate disruption. For Jewish Americans, this protection is particularly urgent. Synagogues should be places where Jewish families can gather in prayer, celebrate Shabbat and holidays, educate their children, and sustain their communities. No one should have to approach a synagogue wondering whether protesters will block the entrance, intimidate worshippers, prevent families from entering, or deliberately disrupt religious services. The Right to Worship Act recognizes a basic principle of religious liberty: Americans must be able to enter their houses of worship and participate in religious services without being subjected to conduct that meaningfully interferes with their ability to worship. The legislation establishes a narrowly tailored 100-foot protection zone around entrances to houses of worship during scheduled religious services and prohibits knowing conduct that disrupts services or hinders, deters, threatens, or intimidates people seeking to attend. This protection is not about preventing peaceful expression or legitimate public debate. The legislation specifically distinguishes protected expression from conduct that interferes with the ability of people to worship. That distinction is essential. Americans have a constitutional right to express their views, including views with which others strongly disagree. But that right should not be used as a justification for preventing another person from exercising the equally fundamental right to freely practice their religion. The need for this protection is especially clear for Jewish communities. In recent years, Jewish Americans have faced protests, intimidation, threats, and security concerns at and around synagogues and other Jewish institutions. Jewish families should not have to choose between exercising their faith and avoiding confrontation at the doors of their houses of worship. The right to worship is a foundational American freedom. It belongs to Jews, Christians, Muslims, Sikhs, Hindus, and Americans of every faith. Protecting houses of worship therefore is not a special accommodation for any one religious community. It is a protection of religious liberty itself. We also recognize the importance of maintaining the careful balance between religious freedom and the First Amendment's protection of speech and peaceful assembly. The Right to Worship Act addresses that balance by focusing on conduct that actually disrupts religious services or prevents or intimidates individuals from attending them, rather than on the viewpoint or content of someone's speech. We support continued careful consideration of the legislation to ensure that its protections remain clear, appropriately tailored, and consistent with constitutional rights. For Jewish Americans, the ability to walk through the doors of a synagogue and worship openly is not an abstract principle. It is an essential part of Jewish communal life and religious freedom. A Jewish family should be able to attend services on Shabbat or a holiday without being blocked, threatened, intimidated, or made to feel that entering their synagogue is itself an act of confrontation. Religious freedom cannot exist if people are technically free to worship but are effectively prevented from doing so by intimidation or deliberate disruption at the doors of their houses of worship. We strongly support the goals of the Right to Worship Act and urge Congress to advance this bipartisan legislation. Protecting the right of Americans to gather, pray, and practice their faith is a constitutional responsibility and a fundamental American value. The freedom to worship belongs to all of us. Congress should ensure that every American can exercise that freedom without fear. Sincerely,