Mida: American Jews Support Israel but do They Really Care?

October 31, 2018

By Michael Yadov

In a  report published  on October 16, 2018, The Mellman Group provided a summary of its survey results of political preferences of American Jews. The survey was conducted on behalf of the Jewish Electorate Institute. The respondents of the survey were screened for Jewish identity and likely participation in the November 2018 general election. While many parts of the report may not be surprising, those that relate to Israel are quite instructive and if true, are concerning.

What did the survey teach us about the American Jewish perspective on Israel? We learned that 92 percent consider themselves pro-Israel. In nominal terms, this is an overwhelming show of support. However, just 52% of the respondents said that a candidate’s support for Israel is at least “very important” to them.

To provide some context, Israel’s 52% ranked far below the Supreme Court (90%), economy and jobs (87%), universal healthcare (83%), and “making taxes more fair” (80%). While individuals are entitled to their own political priorities, it is instructive that for nearly a half of the respondents (most of whom consider themselves pro-Israel), Israel does not qualify as “very important.”

With this in mind, it is reasonable to question the meaning of being “pro-Israel” in political terms for a significant part of American Jewry.

The survey also provides insight with regard to Jewish perception of President Trump vis-à-vis Israel. As of this time, from an Israeli perspective, the Trump administration has objectively acted as the friendliest American administration toward Israel. In many ways, the Trump administration has changed the paradigm from prior administrations. Some examples of the Administration’s paradigm-changing policies toward Israel include the relocation of the embassy to Jerusalem, the pullout from the Iran nuclear deal (JCPOA), tireless support for Israel in the UN by Nikki Haley, taking UNRWA to task for its corruption and hypocrisy, and even notable changes to the annual State Department report about the Territories.

Given all of the above, it is reasonable to expect the vast majority of the Jews who surveyed as supportive of Israel to give President Trump credit at least for his handling of US-Israeli relations. Being objective, “pro-Israel” Jewish voters who do not like President Trump could disagree with the President on every other issue, however they would need to give him credit for a substantial improvement in US-Israeli relations after the Obama fiasco (e.g. failure to veto United Nations Security Council resolution 2334). However, only 35% of those who disagree with President Trump overall, approve of his handling of US-Israel relations.

A form of horn effect cognitive bias may be present; as the respondents already dislike President Trump, they appear incapable of giving him credit even when it is warranted. And so, only 51% of the surveyed respondents approve of the President even on this seemingly straight forward matter.

Furthermore, only 6% of Jewish voters said that President Trump’s Israel policy will influence them enough to consider voting for him despite disagreements on other issues. Another 20% support the President’s Israel policies, but say that they disagree with him on too many “important issues” to consider voting for him.

At the same time, former President Obama enjoys a 72% approval rating despite his often-adversarial relations with Israel. The message this sends to the political candidates is that Israel is only a marginally important issue for a significant number of Jewish voters, and thus political gains could be made by leveraging Israel to placate the anti-Israel crowd.

Interestingly, it appears that for many Jewish voters any policy supported by the Democratic party vis-à-vis Israel is considered “pro-Israel” regardless of the policy’s perception in Israel or its actual impact. As an example, in the survey, 56% of the respondents disapprove of the relocation of the US embassy to Jerusalem and 70% do not approve of the President’s handling of the Iran nuclear deal. It is safe to say that the vast majority of Israelis are firmly in favor of President Trump’s position on these issues.

Hence it is apparent that many American Jews may feel fondness for Israel, but do not have sufficient respect for the people of Israel to determine what is good for Israel. As such, many American Jews appear unwilling or incapable to appreciate as pro-Israel a policy that is supported by the clear majority of Israelis if this policy does not align with their own political identity. In this perspective of at least some American Jews we can observe a degree of colonialist condescension aimed against the Israelis.

Regardless of its intent, The Mellman Group study shows that most American Jews do not appear to have a strong enough political interest in Israel to have it influence their vote. For a significant portion of the population, Israel does not even constitute an important political consideration. Many American Jews appear to lack a local perspective when assessing American policy with regard to Israel, and uniformly identify with their party’s policies as best for American-Israeli relations. In doing so, American Jews tend to discount the Israeli perspective and do not fully appreciate Israeli democracy.

Lastly, it would seem hypocritical for a significant portion of American Jewry to complain that Israeli leadership should take their subjective political views into account, while they disregard the views of Israelis (notably on issues of national security), and while they admittedly do not consider Israel an important enough issue on the spectrum of their own political priorities.

October 1, 2026
The latest Jewish Electorate Institute survey gives Democrats a commanding 71 percent to 23 percent advantage among Jewish voters on the generic congressional ballot, virtually unchanged from its March poll. Sixty-nine percent identify as Democrats, while 24 percent identify as Republicans.  The same poll contains a less comfortable set of numbers, though: 57 percent of Jewish voters overall say antisemitism is increasing within the Democratic Party, while 35 percent of Jewish Democrats say the rise of anti-Israel Democratic candidates has made it harder for them personally to identify as Democrats. The votes may still be staying Democratic, but for some Jewish voters, identification with the party is becoming more complicated.
September 25, 2026
Our latest JEI poll shows American Jews are still overwhelmingly pro-Israel but also very critical of Israel and Prime Minister Netanyahu. A majority are concerned that Netanyahu’s actions have increased antisemitic and anti-Israel sentiment. While this is more prevalent among Democrats, even a third of GOP Jews are greatly concerned. This poll also shows the divisions on some recent hot button issues. For instance, most Democrats support cutting aid to Israel, while majorities of independents and Republicans are opposed. There is also a division on the recent pro-Israel action in primary elections – with over a third of Jews feeling it has made things worse, while an increasing plurality feel it is more important than ever. Jews Are Pro-Israel But Very Critical Of Netanyahu, Though Not Focused On The Upcoming Israeli Election An overwhelming 86% of American Jews identify themselves as Pro-Israel, including 65% saying they are pro-Israel but critical of some or many of Israeli government policies. This is barely changed from the March JEI poll which showed 86% pro-Israel and 63% critical. Nearly three quarters (71%) see Israel favorably compared to 25% unfavorably – barely changed from March (71%/24%). At the same time, 61% have an unfavorable view of Netanyahu, with 34% favorable. This is within a point of Netanyahu’s standing from the JEI post-election poll in November 2024 which showed 33% favorable, 61% unfavorable. While 80% of American Jews are following the November elections in the U.S., only 38% are following the October elections in Israel. They do, however, have a strong preference in the outcome with 60% wanting Netanyahu replaced, including 53% feeling strongly. Only 16% of American Jews want to see him reelected. A Majority Are Concerned Netanyahu Has Increased Anti-Semitic And Anti-Israel Feelings Nearly half of American Jews are concerned about antisemitic rhetoric in the Republican (48% a great deal of concern) and Democratic (44%) Parties. Even among partisans roughly three in ten are greatly concerned about antisemitic rhetoric within their own party, with 29% of Republicans saying that about the GOP and 34% of Democrats saying it about their party. A 56% majority of Jews have a great deal of concern that “Israel’s actions under Netanyahu have increased antisemitism and anti-Israel sentiment in the U.S.” Two thirds (65%) of Democratic Jews feel this way, and nearly half (46%) of independents and a third (34%) of Republicans. Most Democrats Would Cut Aid To Israel, But Republicans & Independents Are Opposed A 52% majority of Jews support cutting or eliminating aid to Israel, with 17% supporting “eliminating all $3.3 billion in military aid that the U.S. provides Israel” and 36% preferring to cut but not eliminate aid. Four in ten (40%) would keep aid at current levels, with 8% not sure. There are stark differences on partisanship, with nearly two thirds of Democrats (63%) wanting to cut or eliminate aid, and a similar two thirds of Republicans (67%) and independents (65%) for keeping current levels. Four in ten (40%) Jews are concerned about Congressional support for eliminating aid for “defensive weapons like Iron Dome” (40%), only slightly higher than concern for eliminating “offensive weapons” (36%). A majority of Republicans are concerned about cuts to either offensive (54%) or defensive weapon (56%), while less than half of independents are concerned (44% defensive, 45% offensive) and only a third of Democrats (34% defensive, 29% offensive.) Still there is more of a cost for a Member of Congress voting to cut aid, than a benefit. Nearly half (47%) are less likely to support a Member voting to cut aid, including 36% of those who support cutting aid themselves. Only one in five (21%) are more likely to vote for a Member cutting aid. Even among those who support cuts, only 13% are more likely to support a Member voting that way. Views On AIPAC And The Recent Primary Battles Are Mixed, Even Among Democrats A majority (51%) of American Jews have heard at least something about pro-Israel activity in this year’s primary elections – up from 38% in March. However, higher awareness has not dramatically changed opinions. A narrow 39% plurality support the pro-Israel activity in the primaries, 35% oppose it, and 26% are unsure; very similar to March (37% support, 32% oppose, 31% not sure). Given a choice between two statements, 45% believe “With increasing anti-Israel sentiment and threats to Israel, it is more important than ever for pro-Israel groups to play an active role against candidates who are not supportive enough of a strong US-Israel relationship”, while 37% believe that “These heavy-handed efforts by pro-Israel groups in primary elections make things worse by turning voters against a strong US-Israel relationship, and they should stop.” Large majorities of Republicans and independents believe it more important than ever for pro-Israel groups to get involved in the primaries. But while Democrats lean the other way, they are more torn – with 46% saying the pro-Israel activity is making things worse, but the majority of Democrats either think it’s more important than ever (34%) or are not sure (20%). Indeed, views of AIPAC, the biggest pro-Israel spender in primaries, are mixed, with 42% favorable, 35% unfavorable, and 24% not sure. AIPAC is seen favorably by most independents (55% favorable, 15% unfavorable) and Republicans (71% favorable, 12% unfavorable). Jewish Democrats are 44% unfavorable, with a majority either favorable (31%) or not sure (25%). Moreover, Democratic Jews do not fit easily into one box on AIPAC. Nearly half (45%) agree with the statement “AIPAC is being unfairly singled out for doing just what other advocacy groups do”. Yet 30% agree they cannot vote for a candidate who accepts money from AIPAC, while 19% cannot support a candidate who refuses money from AIPAC. While American Jews are generally together on being pro-Israel even if critical of the government, there are divisions on what should be done in the U.S. on aid and elections.
September 25, 2026
September 23, 2026 The Honorable Mike Johnson Speaker of the United States House of Representatives United States House of Representatives Washington, DC 20515 Dear Mr. Speaker: I submit this statement for the record in support of H.R. 10052 and S. 5289, the Right to Worship Act. I am grateful to Representatives Brad Knott, Tom Suozzi, Michael Lawler, and Josh Gottheimer and Senators Ted Cruz and Elissa Slotkin for their bipartisan leadership in introducing this important legislation to protect the fundamental right of Americans to worship without fear, intimidation, or deliberate disruption. For Jewish Americans, this protection is particularly urgent. Synagogues should be places where Jewish families can gather in prayer, celebrate Shabbat and holidays, educate their children, and sustain their communities. No one should have to approach a synagogue wondering whether protesters will block the entrance, intimidate worshippers, prevent families from entering, or deliberately disrupt religious services. The Right to Worship Act recognizes a basic principle of religious liberty: Americans must be able to enter their houses of worship and participate in religious services without being subjected to conduct that meaningfully interferes with their ability to worship. The legislation establishes a narrowly tailored 100-foot protection zone around entrances to houses of worship during scheduled religious services and prohibits knowing conduct that disrupts services or hinders, deters, threatens, or intimidates people seeking to attend. This protection is not about preventing peaceful expression or legitimate public debate. The legislation specifically distinguishes protected expression from conduct that interferes with the ability of people to worship. That distinction is essential. Americans have a constitutional right to express their views, including views with which others strongly disagree. But that right should not be used as a justification for preventing another person from exercising the equally fundamental right to freely practice their religion. The need for this protection is especially clear for Jewish communities. In recent years, Jewish Americans have faced protests, intimidation, threats, and security concerns at and around synagogues and other Jewish institutions. Jewish families should not have to choose between exercising their faith and avoiding confrontation at the doors of their houses of worship. The right to worship is a foundational American freedom. It belongs to Jews, Christians, Muslims, Sikhs, Hindus, and Americans of every faith. Protecting houses of worship therefore is not a special accommodation for any one religious community. It is a protection of religious liberty itself. We also recognize the importance of maintaining the careful balance between religious freedom and the First Amendment's protection of speech and peaceful assembly. The Right to Worship Act addresses that balance by focusing on conduct that actually disrupts religious services or prevents or intimidates individuals from attending them, rather than on the viewpoint or content of someone's speech. We support continued careful consideration of the legislation to ensure that its protections remain clear, appropriately tailored, and consistent with constitutional rights. For Jewish Americans, the ability to walk through the doors of a synagogue and worship openly is not an abstract principle. It is an essential part of Jewish communal life and religious freedom. A Jewish family should be able to attend services on Shabbat or a holiday without being blocked, threatened, intimidated, or made to feel that entering their synagogue is itself an act of confrontation. Religious freedom cannot exist if people are technically free to worship but are effectively prevented from doing so by intimidation or deliberate disruption at the doors of their houses of worship. We strongly support the goals of the Right to Worship Act and urge Congress to advance this bipartisan legislation. Protecting the right of Americans to gather, pray, and practice their faith is a constitutional responsibility and a fundamental American value. The freedom to worship belongs to all of us. Congress should ensure that every American can exercise that freedom without fear. Sincerely,