LA Times: Pittsburgh Shooting Exposes Rift in Israel, Which Doesn’t Recognize All Jewish Denominations

October 30, 2018

By Noga Tranopolsky

Saturday’s mass shooting at Pittsburgh’s Tree of Life Synagogue drew widespread expressions of outrage and sympathy from many countries struggling with a surge in anti-Semitic violence.

But in Israel, where Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has said that Israel has a role in the fight against anti-Semitism, no matter where it occurs, official denouncements of the crime quickly devolved into a political squabble that reveals the growing rift between American Jews and the Jewish state.

Pittsburgh’s Tree of Life congregation hosts communities representing three streams of progressive Judaism. Most American Jews with a religious affiliation belong to one of those branches, butnone of the denominations is recognized as properly Jewish by Israel’s Orthodox religious authorities.And so the response to the shooting from Israel reflected some ambivalence — not about the victims, but about the Jewishness of the site.

Netanyahu quickly posted a video in which he said he was “heartbroken and appalled by the murderous attack on a Pittsburgh synagogue.”

But David Lau, Israel’s Ashkenazi chief rabbi, who is both a religious authority and a public servant, engaged in linguistic acrobatics so as to avoid referring to the site of the massacre as a synagogue, or Jewish house of worship.

Interviewed by an ultra-Orthodox newspaper, Lau said the victims “were killed because they were Jews … in a place that for the killer was a place of clear Jewish character.”

Lau’s remarks sparked a firestorm, with opposition leaders calling on the government to break a decades-long unwritten agreement with ultra-Orthodox religious parties whereby other denominations of Judaism, principally the Reform and Conservative wings, have no legal standing.

One result of that agreement is that Israel does not recognize the Jewishness of people who converted under the authority of progressive Jewish rabbis — a significant detail since Israel offers citizenship to all Jews. Also, the few Reform and Conservative congregations in Israel don’t qualify for public funding, as do Orthodox congregations, and their rabbis cannot perform officially sanctioned marriages or funerals.

Still, most Israelis were horrified by the shooting, and didn’t parse their grief. Yair Lapid, who hopes to replace Netanyahu as head of the centrist Yesh Atid party, tweeted, “If you are murdered because you are a Jew, then you are a Jew. The Conservative and Reform are our brothers. They are our family.”

As Israel enters an election year, the country is fragmented by doctrinal rifts that seem only to worsen, and the breach between American Jewry and Israeli Jews has never been so acute.

Neither side seems inclined to paper over the gaps: Last week, the annual general assembly of the Jewish Federations of North America, hosted by Tel Aviv, was headlined: “We Need to Talk.”

In one flashpoint in the conflict, Netanyahu last year buckled to ultra-Orthodox threats and broke a historic 2016 agreement brokered with progressive Jewish leaders to expand and upgrade an egalitarian area of the Western Wall plaza, which is run by state religious authorities.

But the differences are not limited to internal Jewish matters.

Netanyahu’s embrace of far-right European leaders who have more than a nodding relationship with anti-Semitism has alienated American Jews and worried even some of his political allies in Israel.

In the last year, Netanyahu has enthusiastically welcomed to Jerusalem fellow right-wingers such as Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban, who campaigned for reelection by defaming the Hungarian-bornJewishAmerican  billionaire George Soros, and Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte, who once famously  compared himself to Adolf Hitler.

Netanyahu believes alliances with nationalistic leaders will buffer him from Western European criticism of Israel’s treatment of Palestinians.

But no political friendship has proved as provocative or as problematic as the one Netanyahu has nurtured with President Trump, who has low levels of support among American Jews.

A survey released last week by the Mellman Group and the Jewish Electorate Institute found that 23% of American Jews support Trump, and despite some enthusiasm for his pro-Israel policies, 74% plan on voting for his Democratic opponent in 2020 regardless of the candidate.

Despite claims by some American Jews that Trump’s nationalistic and anti-immigrant stances are fueling anti-Semitism in the United States, Israel’s embrace of Trump only strengthened in the aftermath of the Pittsburgh massacre.

In an interview with MSNBC, Israeli Ambassador to the United States Ron Dermer praised the president for his denunciation of anti-Semitism. Asked whether Trump might have emboldened anti-Semites with some of his language — particularly his remarks last year that there were “fine people on both sides” when neo-Nazis marched in Charlottesville, Va. — Dermer said that while he didn’t agree with Trump’s statement, “The people we should blame for anti-Semitism is the anti-Semite.”

He also said: “I see a lot of people on both sides who attack Jews,” he said.

“To simply say that this is because of one person, only comes on one side, is to not understand the history of anti-Semitism or the reality of anti-Semitism,” Dermer said. “One of the big forces in college campuses today is anti-Semitism. And those anti-Semites are usually not neo-Nazis, on college campuses. They’re coming from the radical left.”

Dermer was the first person to greet Trump as he arrived at the Tree of Life Synagogue and he walked him into the building as if welcoming a foreign dignitary to Israel.

As protesters chanted “President hate, leave our state,” Naftali Bennett, Israel’s minister for diaspora affairs, whom Netanyahu dispatched to Pittsburgh in a show of solidarity one day after the massacre, posted a robust defense of Trump that appeared to criticize local Jews.

“President Trump is a true friend of the state of Israel and to the Jewish people,” Bennett declared, adding that criticism of him was “unfair and wrong.”

Bennett exemplifies the head-turning complexity of Israel’s reactions to the massacre in Pittsburgh.

He leads the ultra-nationalist Jewish Home party, and is also a Netanyahu rival gearing up for elections in 2019. His base consists of religious supporters of Israeli West Bank settlements, who do not generally consider progressive Jews properly Jewish.

With that in mind, Bennett on Sunday issued a carefully worded statement about “the shooting incident against the Jewish community in Pittsburgh,” avoiding the word “synagogue.”

After two days in Pittsburgh, and as the controversy in Israel expanded, Bennett acknowledged in an interview with The Times that “this was a brutal murder of Jews because they were Jews in a synagogue.”

Newsweek: Political Smoke Alarm... Jewish Voter Identification Becoming More Complicated

October 1, 2026
The latest Jewish Electorate Institute survey gives Democrats a commanding 71 percent to 23 percent advantage among Jewish voters on the generic congressional ballot, virtually unchanged from its March poll. Sixty-nine percent identify as Democrats, while 24 percent identify as Republicans.  The same poll contains a less comfortable set of numbers, though: 57 percent of Jewish voters overall say antisemitism is increasing within the Democratic Party, while 35 percent of Jewish Democrats say the rise of anti-Israel Democratic candidates has made it harder for them personally to identify as Democrats. The votes may still be staying Democratic, but for some Jewish voters, identification with the party is becoming more complicated.

NEW POLL: What’s on the minds of Jewish Americans today?

September 25, 2026
Our latest JEI poll shows American Jews are still overwhelmingly pro-Israel but also very critical of Israel and Prime Minister Netanyahu. A majority are concerned that Netanyahu’s actions have increased antisemitic and anti-Israel sentiment. While this is more prevalent among Democrats, even a third of GOP Jews are greatly concerned. This poll also shows the divisions on some recent hot button issues. For instance, most Democrats support cutting aid to Israel, while majorities of independents and Republicans are opposed. There is also a division on the recent pro-Israel action in primary elections – with over a third of Jews feeling it has made things worse, while an increasing plurality feel it is more important than ever. Jews Are Pro-Israel But Very Critical Of Netanyahu, Though Not Focused On The Upcoming Israeli Election An overwhelming 86% of American Jews identify themselves as Pro-Israel, including 65% saying they are pro-Israel but critical of some or many of Israeli government policies. This is barely changed from the March JEI poll which showed 86% pro-Israel and 63% critical. Nearly three quarters (71%) see Israel favorably compared to 25% unfavorably – barely changed from March (71%/24%). At the same time, 61% have an unfavorable view of Netanyahu, with 34% favorable. This is within a point of Netanyahu’s standing from the JEI post-election poll in November 2024 which showed 33% favorable, 61% unfavorable. While 80% of American Jews are following the November elections in the U.S., only 38% are following the October elections in Israel. They do, however, have a strong preference in the outcome with 60% wanting Netanyahu replaced, including 53% feeling strongly. Only 16% of American Jews want to see him reelected. A Majority Are Concerned Netanyahu Has Increased Anti-Semitic And Anti-Israel Feelings Nearly half of American Jews are concerned about antisemitic rhetoric in the Republican (48% a great deal of concern) and Democratic (44%) Parties. Even among partisans roughly three in ten are greatly concerned about antisemitic rhetoric within their own party, with 29% of Republicans saying that about the GOP and 34% of Democrats saying it about their party. A 56% majority of Jews have a great deal of concern that “Israel’s actions under Netanyahu have increased antisemitism and anti-Israel sentiment in the U.S.” Two thirds (65%) of Democratic Jews feel this way, and nearly half (46%) of independents and a third (34%) of Republicans. Most Democrats Would Cut Aid To Israel, But Republicans & Independents Are Opposed A 52% majority of Jews support cutting or eliminating aid to Israel, with 17% supporting “eliminating all $3.3 billion in military aid that the U.S. provides Israel” and 36% preferring to cut but not eliminate aid. Four in ten (40%) would keep aid at current levels, with 8% not sure. There are stark differences on partisanship, with nearly two thirds of Democrats (63%) wanting to cut or eliminate aid, and a similar two thirds of Republicans (67%) and independents (65%) for keeping current levels. Four in ten (40%) Jews are concerned about Congressional support for eliminating aid for “defensive weapons like Iron Dome” (40%), only slightly higher than concern for eliminating “offensive weapons” (36%). A majority of Republicans are concerned about cuts to either offensive (54%) or defensive weapon (56%), while less than half of independents are concerned (44% defensive, 45% offensive) and only a third of Democrats (34% defensive, 29% offensive.) Still there is more of a cost for a Member of Congress voting to cut aid, than a benefit. Nearly half (47%) are less likely to support a Member voting to cut aid, including 36% of those who support cutting aid themselves. Only one in five (21%) are more likely to vote for a Member cutting aid. Even among those who support cuts, only 13% are more likely to support a Member voting that way. Views On AIPAC And The Recent Primary Battles Are Mixed, Even Among Democrats A majority (51%) of American Jews have heard at least something about pro-Israel activity in this year’s primary elections – up from 38% in March. However, higher awareness has not dramatically changed opinions. A narrow 39% plurality support the pro-Israel activity in the primaries, 35% oppose it, and 26% are unsure; very similar to March (37% support, 32% oppose, 31% not sure). Given a choice between two statements, 45% believe “With increasing anti-Israel sentiment and threats to Israel, it is more important than ever for pro-Israel groups to play an active role against candidates who are not supportive enough of a strong US-Israel relationship”, while 37% believe that “These heavy-handed efforts by pro-Israel groups in primary elections make things worse by turning voters against a strong US-Israel relationship, and they should stop.” Large majorities of Republicans and independents believe it more important than ever for pro-Israel groups to get involved in the primaries. But while Democrats lean the other way, they are more torn – with 46% saying the pro-Israel activity is making things worse, but the majority of Democrats either think it’s more important than ever (34%) or are not sure (20%). Indeed, views of AIPAC, the biggest pro-Israel spender in primaries, are mixed, with 42% favorable, 35% unfavorable, and 24% not sure. AIPAC is seen favorably by most independents (55% favorable, 15% unfavorable) and Republicans (71% favorable, 12% unfavorable). Jewish Democrats are 44% unfavorable, with a majority either favorable (31%) or not sure (25%). Moreover, Democratic Jews do not fit easily into one box on AIPAC. Nearly half (45%) agree with the statement “AIPAC is being unfairly singled out for doing just what other advocacy groups do”. Yet 30% agree they cannot vote for a candidate who accepts money from AIPAC, while 19% cannot support a candidate who refuses money from AIPAC. While American Jews are generally together on being pro-Israel even if critical of the government, there are divisions on what should be done in the U.S. on aid and elections.

JEI Advocates for Right to Worship

September 25, 2026
September 23, 2026 The Honorable Mike Johnson Speaker of the United States House of Representatives United States House of Representatives Washington, DC 20515 Dear Mr. Speaker: I submit this statement for the record in support of H.R. 10052 and S. 5289, the Right to Worship Act. I am grateful to Representatives Brad Knott, Tom Suozzi, Michael Lawler, and Josh Gottheimer and Senators Ted Cruz and Elissa Slotkin for their bipartisan leadership in introducing this important legislation to protect the fundamental right of Americans to worship without fear, intimidation, or deliberate disruption. For Jewish Americans, this protection is particularly urgent. Synagogues should be places where Jewish families can gather in prayer, celebrate Shabbat and holidays, educate their children, and sustain their communities. No one should have to approach a synagogue wondering whether protesters will block the entrance, intimidate worshippers, prevent families from entering, or deliberately disrupt religious services. The Right to Worship Act recognizes a basic principle of religious liberty: Americans must be able to enter their houses of worship and participate in religious services without being subjected to conduct that meaningfully interferes with their ability to worship. The legislation establishes a narrowly tailored 100-foot protection zone around entrances to houses of worship during scheduled religious services and prohibits knowing conduct that disrupts services or hinders, deters, threatens, or intimidates people seeking to attend. This protection is not about preventing peaceful expression or legitimate public debate. The legislation specifically distinguishes protected expression from conduct that interferes with the ability of people to worship. That distinction is essential. Americans have a constitutional right to express their views, including views with which others strongly disagree. But that right should not be used as a justification for preventing another person from exercising the equally fundamental right to freely practice their religion. The need for this protection is especially clear for Jewish communities. In recent years, Jewish Americans have faced protests, intimidation, threats, and security concerns at and around synagogues and other Jewish institutions. Jewish families should not have to choose between exercising their faith and avoiding confrontation at the doors of their houses of worship. The right to worship is a foundational American freedom. It belongs to Jews, Christians, Muslims, Sikhs, Hindus, and Americans of every faith. Protecting houses of worship therefore is not a special accommodation for any one religious community. It is a protection of religious liberty itself. We also recognize the importance of maintaining the careful balance between religious freedom and the First Amendment's protection of speech and peaceful assembly. The Right to Worship Act addresses that balance by focusing on conduct that actually disrupts religious services or prevents or intimidates individuals from attending them, rather than on the viewpoint or content of someone's speech. We support continued careful consideration of the legislation to ensure that its protections remain clear, appropriately tailored, and consistent with constitutional rights. For Jewish Americans, the ability to walk through the doors of a synagogue and worship openly is not an abstract principle. It is an essential part of Jewish communal life and religious freedom. A Jewish family should be able to attend services on Shabbat or a holiday without being blocked, threatened, intimidated, or made to feel that entering their synagogue is itself an act of confrontation. Religious freedom cannot exist if people are technically free to worship but are effectively prevented from doing so by intimidation or deliberate disruption at the doors of their houses of worship. We strongly support the goals of the Right to Worship Act and urge Congress to advance this bipartisan legislation. Protecting the right of Americans to gather, pray, and practice their faith is a constitutional responsibility and a fundamental American value. The freedom to worship belongs to all of us. Congress should ensure that every American can exercise that freedom without fear. Sincerely,