Haaretz: The GA’s ‘We Need to Talk’ Slogan Is a Desperate Plea to Save Israel-U.S. Jewish Ties

October 22, 2018

By Chemi Shalev

This year’s General Assembly (GA) of the Jewish Federations of North America (JFNA) has already created more of a ruckus than any GA in recent memory – before it even started. The phrase “We need to talk,” which adorns the invitation to the GA and its slogan, carries a loaded punch. In today’s popular culture, as Urban Dictionary says, “We need to talk” is “The preamble to the discussion that is generally followed by the ending of a relationship.”

This was certainly not the intention of the JFNA copywriter who came up with the motto. But even if one interprets “We need to talk” in the most positive way possible, it still denotes serious disagreements that can no longer be ignored.

To drive the point home, the GA organizers underscored the urgency of the situation by highlighting the stark differences of views between Israelis and American Jews. Given that in recent years the JFNA has gone out of its way to eradicate any hint of discord and has dedicated the agendas of successive GA’s to non-controversial – not to say boring – issues, such as fundraising and community organizing, this year’s GA is already a watershed event in the  joint history of Israel and American Jews.

A widening rift

The writing has been on the wall for many years, but most American Jews preferred to look the other way, and Israelis, until recently at least, couldn’t care less. The two communities clung to the illusion that their joint support for Israel’s wellbeing was a virtual super-glue that would keep them bonded together, despite the built-in tensions in their mutual ties.  The two communities have thrived, but under radically different circumstances, the most important of which is this: American Jews are a minority who cherish equality and individual rights as a matter of principle and self-preservation. Israeli Jews constitute a majority who, in their perception, is under constant threat. Increasingly, the values that top the American Jewish agenda are seen as a threat to the existence of the Jewish state.

The rift between the two communities has been  widening for years. One can argue about where and when it started – the 1977 election of Menachem Begin, the 1982 Lebanon War, the 1987 first Palestinian intifada or the 1995 assassination of Yitzhak Rabin – are all suitable candidates, but the trend itself is indisputable and unequivocal.

American Jews have increasingly entrenched themselves in their liberalism, while Israeli Jews have been moving in the opposite direction, turning to the right, gradually at first and now with full speed ahead.

Historically, their period of united bliss – which, in retrospect, lasted no longer than a decade – could one day be seen as a brief encounter between two ships passing in the night.

The outbreak of open hostilities, after years of hiding internal tensions, was precipitated by the past two U.S. presidents and their interactions with Benjamin Netanyahu.  Most American Jews adored Obama. They were appalled by Netanyahu’s disdain for Obama and shocked by the Israeli prime minister’s willingness to challenge him openly, especially in his address to Congress on the Iran nuclear deal in March 2015.

Trump’s election reversed the situation, with similar consequences.

‘Israel’s guilt by association with Trump’

Most American Jews abhor Trump and are repelled by Netanyahu’s overeager courtship of the president and of his evangelical supporters.

In and of themselves, the two communities’ divergent views of Obama and Trump reflect their different set of priorities. For American Jews, Obama’s liberal credentials outweighed his policies on Israel, which many viewed as sufficiently pro-Israel anyway. For most Israeli Jews, Trump’s perceived backing for Israeli policies overrides his reactionary domestic policies and controversial conduct, which far too many Israelis admire anyway. Both communities were dismayed and disappointed by what they perceived as the other’s misguided and even disloyal attitude.

The growing political polarization and the escalation of America’s culture wars, which has become more acute and pronounced since Trump’s election in 2016, pours even higher-octane fuel on the already smoldering fire.

Israeli Jews increasingly see American Jews as identifying with the leftist-liberal Weltanschauung, which Netanyahu and his cohorts depict as Israel’s mortal enemy. For American Jews,  Israel’s overly enthusiastic embrace of Trump  is an abomination. It places Israel in the same camp as their worst enemies. For Jewish millennials, who are more liberal than their elders and who were already distancing themselves from Israel anyway, the Trump-Netanyahu axis is a stain they might never erase.

During Obama’s tenure, Israel turned into a wedge that divides not only Israel from the American Jews but splits the community itself. Rabbis stopped sermonizing about Israel for fear of sparking conflict in their divided congregations. The topic was declared off-limits on many Friday night dinner tables, when hitherto friendly arguments turned bitter and acrimonious, poisoning close relationships and splitting families in the process. The Trump presidency may be changing this dynamic, but only for the worse: Israel’s guilt by association with Trump has brought criticism of Israel into the open, often with a vengeance.

A poll conducted by Mark Mellman for the Jewish Electorate Institute, published last week,  offers statistical proof of the rift. Trump’s pro-Israel policies, depicted by Netanyahu as the most supportive in history, haven’t made much of an impression on American Jews: 76% of them plan to vote for Democratic candidates in the upcoming November 6 elections and 74% will opt for Trump’s Democratic challenger should he run again in 2020. The results are identical those measured the 2016 elections, when 75% of American Jews voted for Hillary Clinton – before Trump abandoned the Iran deal, moved the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem and turned a cold shoulder to Palestinians. The eternal Republican projection of an impending sea change in American Jewish voting patters is set to be dashed once again.

The poll underscores the long established fact that most American Jews don’t prioritize Israel in the ballot box. It breaks newer ground, however, in exposing their growing reservations about Israeli policies: 95% of those polled describe themselves as pro-Israel, but only a third follow the long-held tradition of supporting the policies of whatever government is in power. 32% said they support Netanyahu’s policies, 35% said they support Israel but oppose “some” of its policies and another 24% said they are critical of “many” of them. In other words, two thirds of those who declare themselves “pro-Israel” are no longer willing to offer unqualified support.

In organizational terms, the poll demolishes the perception that AIPAC’s traditional Israel-right-or-wrong approach represents the overwhelming majority of American Jews, or, conversely, that  J-Street’s  mix of support in principle and harsh criticism in practice is only backed by a small minority. The results are not only a disturbing wake-up call for Netanyahu, whose envoy to the U.S. Ron Dermer and his embassy steadfastly boycott J-Street, but for organized American Jewry as well. The Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations, after all, has refused to accept J-Street as its member, cementing the roof body’s image as out of step with the majority of American Jews.

Leaderless and rudderless

Unfortunately, the prognosis for the Israeli-American Jewish rupture is bleak. Things are likely to get worse before they get any better, if they ever do. It’s true that more Israelis are aware today of the crisis with American Jewry than ever before, sparking a flurry of non-governmental efforts to launch a dialogue before it’s too late. Netanyahu and his government, however, only pay lip service to bridging the gaps but show no sign of changing their ways.

On the contrary, Israel is steadily drifting  toward the ethnocentric nationalism that Trump  has inspired throughout the world, thus increasing American Jewish alienation. Netanyahu and his coalition increasingly equate criticism of the occupation with opposition to the very existence of Israel, distancing some Jews from dealing with the issue at all and pushing others into the arms of overt anti-Zionism. Given the binary with-us-or-against-us test, which Netanyahu espouses and the Israeli public seems to accept, it’s only a matter of time before the bulk of American Jews are viewed as outright enemies of the state that was once described as the only god of their new religion.

The American Jewish community, for its part, is leaderless and rudderless, and thus unequal to the task before it. Its disparate parts are incapable of forming a united front. The distinct pro-Trump and pro-Netanyahu minority, about a quarter of all American Jews, is overrepresented in communal structures and, more significantly, among the Jewish donors that fund their existence. Their singular devotion to Israel and disdain for their fellow Jews’ liberal values sets them apart from their own community. Instead of showing empathy for the plight of the majority and solidarity with their demands, the pro-Trump Jewish right wing offers itself as an alternative. Liberal Jews will assimilate and disappear, they assert. For Israel, we are the only future.

The option of replacing the traditional support of most American Jews with a coalition of right wing, mostly religious Jews, together with Evangelicals and the Republican Party as a whole, appeals to Netanyahu. The formula is increasingly being touted as a viable option. At best, American Jews are being lumped together with the Israeli left, whose own loyalty to Israel is under attack. The government’s pro forma pledge to try and mend fences with American Jews is undermined by its “my way or the highway” philosophy.

In this regard, the General Assembly’s “We need to talk” slogan isn’t a threat, but a plea. It is not an indication of a relationship doomed to fail but an appeal for immediate intervention, before it’s too late. Given the strains, tensions and seemingly irreconcilable differences between Israel and American Jews, it might even be seen as a sign of boundless optimism. American Jews, it seems, still believe that dialogue and reconciliation are possible, if only the two sides could relearn how to talk to each other, without the conversation leading to a final, tragic and irrevocable parting of ways. As Alexander Pope wrote in his poem “An Essay on Man,” “Hope springs eternal in the human breast.” 

Pulse of The Jewish Voter Amidst Iran War Shows Engagement In A Host of Issues

April 15, 2026
U.S. JEWS VOTING DEM IN CONGRESS MIDTERMS YET QUESTION WHAT PARTY STANDS FOR, ESP. ON ISRAEL JEWISH R ’ s MOST ID ’ d AS PRO-ISRAEL, NEW POLL SHOWS United in Support of Israel ’ s Right to Exist as Jewish Homeland But Mixed Concepts of Zionism Jews see too much Israel criticism playing into antisemitism While most Jews feel too many Israel supporters use antisemitism claims to avoid legitimate policy debate WASHINGTON – The latest Jewish Electorate Institute (JEI) poll shows American Jews are voting heavily Democratic in the midterm election for Congress. At the same time, Jews have questions about what the Democratic Party stands for, particularly on Israel. Jewish Republicans, on the other hand, are most identified as being pro-Israel, which is also one of their biggest image advantages over Democrats. Meanwhile, amid debates in the Jewish community over Israel, war in Iran and election politics, American Jews are united in support of Israel’s right to exist as a Jewish state and homeland for the Jewish people. However, there are mixed signals over the concept of Zionism, with the majority seeing Zionism favorably, but only a third calling themselves Zionists. There is also concern about how antisemitism is becoming a part of the increasingly heated discussions over U.S.-Israel issues, by both sides. A large majority of U.S. Jews see too many critics of Israel using language about Jews that play into antisemitism, whether intended or not. At the same time, a majority of Jews feel too many supporters of Israel use claims of antisemitism to avoid legitimate debate over policy. These analyses are based on the final release of the findings of a national survey of 800 Jewish registered voters, with an oversample to yield 600 Jewish women. The survey was conducted for JEI by The Mellman Group using a high-quality online national panel from March 13-23, 2026. The margin of error for the sample as a whole is +/- 3.5% at the 95% level of confidence (higher for subgroups). Previous JEI analyses and releases centered on U.S. Jews’ pro-Israel identity and their criticism of the government, support for pro-Israel spending in the primaries and the popularity of AIPAC, DMFI and J Street. Also, on what American Jews would likely discuss at the Passover seder tables.

JEI's Spring 2026 Latest Poll

April 15, 2026
Jewish Voters Highly Engaged, Prioritize Domestic Issues; Strong Support for Israel and Caution on Military Action and Advocacy This recent March 2026 national survey finds that American Jewish adults overwhelmingly affirm Israel’s right to exist while also expressing caution about the current U.S. military escalation in Iran. Views on pro-Israel political spending, however, remain mixed. AIPAC has an overall favorable impression of 39%, DMFI 32%, and J Street 18%. Some key findings also include the following: Turnout and partisanship: Registered respondents report their very high intention to turn out for the November 2026 midterm elections. About seven in ten identify as Democrats (many strongly), roughly one in four compared to Republicans, with the remainder being made up of Independents. Democrats hold a substantial advantage in hypothetical congressional votes in respondents’ districts. Donald Trump receives broad net disapproval, and Benjamin Netanyahu is viewed unfavorably by more respondents than favorably. Israel and Zionism: There are mixed signals over the concept of Zionism, with the majority seeing Zionism favorably, but only a third calling themselves Zionists. Roughly seven in ten hold a favorable view of Israel; 87% endorse Israel’s right to exist as a Jewish homeland. Most see Zionism as Jewish self‑determination, though only a third self‑identify as Zionist. A surprisingly large number are unsure about the definition of Zionism. Foreign policy and military action: A majority of respondents oppose current U.S. military action against Iran and say the president should have sought congressional approval for strikes. Many prioritize preventing Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons but favor clear objectives and oversight over unilateral escalation. 2026 Midterm Elections & Party Affiliations: American Jews are voting heavily Democratic in the midterm election for Congress. At the same time, Jews have questions about what the Democratic Party stands for, particularly on Israel. Jewish Republicans are most identified as pro-Israel, which is one of their biggest image advantages over Democrats. Pro‑Israel advocacy and spending: Opinions are split on outside groups spending in primaries—about a third support such spending, a third oppose it, and many are undecided. Respondents are nearly evenly divided on whether aggressive outside intervention helps or harms U.S.–Israel relations. Antisemitism and public debate: A large majority say some criticism of Israel slips into antisemitic tropes, and a significant share also believes some defenders wrongly label policy criticism as antisemitism. There is also concern about how antisemitism is becoming a part of the increasingly heated discussions over U.S.-Israel issues, by both sides. A large majority of U.S. Jews see too many critics of Israel using language about Jews that plays into antisemitism, whether intended or not. At the same time, a majority of Jews feel too many supporters of Israel use claims of antisemitism to avoid legitimate debate over policy. Domestic Issues are Important: Democrats are viewed positively on healthcare, abortion rights, fair elections, and middle class advocacy, while Republicans are viewed as pro-Israel but excessively conservative and unwilling to oppose the President. The sample of respondents: The current distribution of Jewish voters by party affiliation: 69% Democratic, 24% Republican, and 7% Independent. Poll respondents are mixed gender, highly educated, and religiously plural within Judaism (Reform and unaffiliated are the largest). About one‑third belong to a synagogue, but religious practice varies. Jewish women Voters: There are more female Democrats likely to hold reinforcing views, contributing to the party's electoral advantage, thereby fueling the midterm margin. The partisan divide is even larger among women. Nearly three-quarters (74%) of Jewish women identify as Democrats, including 50% who are strong Democrats, and 24% who identify as Democratic Socialists. Likely Jewish women voters are supporting the Democrats in the generic vote: 78% Democratic, 19% Republican, and only 3% undecided. The Democratic vote margin increases significantly with age among Jewish women. Women ages 18-29 vote +46 Democratic, rising to +60 among those 40–59 and +58 among those 60 and older. These margins exceed those of the overall Jewish electorate, where voters ages 40–59 and 60+ both register a +48 Democratic advantage. The strength of Jewish identity also follows a consistent pattern. Among women who place lower importance on being Jewish, the Democratic advantage is +74, compared to +61 among the overall electorate. Among those who place higher importance on being Jewish, Jewish women still lean more Democratic than the overall electorate, at +41 versus +36. Jewish women are also more likely to disapprove of Trump’s job performance and the current U.S. military action against Iran. They are four points more likely than the overall electorate to disapprove of Trump’s job performance (77% vs. 73%) and the U.S. military action in Iran (59% vs. 55%). Jewish voters combine strong civic engagement and a clear Democratic preference with nuanced views that favor protecting Israel while insisting on democratic oversight, strategic clarity, and careful political tactics. Well-positioned issues that resonate for candidates and organizations in the upcoming 2026 midterm elections include emphasizing support for Israel alongside respect for congressional authority, clear policy goals, and sensitive messaging on antisemitism. "This poll reinforces a simple truth that the Jewish community is not monolithic, and the Jewish vote should not be taken for granted. Their concerns extend beyond Israel and Iran. It also indicates a critical need for education about Israel's history and the meaning of Zionism. These needs have never been more urgent than they are today," said Barbara Goldberg Goldman, JEI Chair. These analyses are based on the final release of the findings of a national survey of 800 Jewish registered voters, with an oversample to yield 600 Jewish women. The survey was conducted for JEI by The Mellman Group using a high-quality online national panel from March 13-23, 2026. The margin of error for the sample as a whole is +/- 3.5% at the 95% level of confidence (higher for subgroups).

JTA: Most American Jews oppose AIPAC spending in Democratic primaries, survey finds

April 14, 2026
The survey was released one week after another conducted by the Mellman Group and commissioned by the Jewish Electorate Institute found that a majority of American Jews have “not heard much” about the role that pro-Israel lobbying groups have played in this year’s early midterm primaries.  The poll, which surveyed 800 registered Jewish voters March 13-23, found that just 11% of American Jews had heard a “great deal” about “the role pro-Israel groups have played in the early 2026 primaries,” while 27% said they’d heard “some” about it. Meanwhile, 62% said they’d either heard “not much,” “none at all” or that they don’t know.