New York Jewish Week: Trump Will Loom Large In Key L.I. House Race

October 17, 2018

By Stewart Ain

For the past two years, Jan Singer of Kings Park, L.I., has demonstrated outside the Patchogue district office of Rep. Lee Zeldin (R-Shirley) some 15 or 20 times with as many as 300 other protesters.

The number of demonstrators has depended on the topic — some were there to protest Zeldin’s backing of President Trump’s decision to ban immigrants from primarily Muslim countries; on other occasions it was to protest Zeldin’s positions on other topics, such as health care, the environment and guns — he received an A from the National Rifle Association.

“I think most people in the Jewish community are appalled at the fact that he does not represent what I consider Jewish values — such as on the immigration issue protecting the weakest among us,” Singer said. Singer and her fellow protestors may be tilting at windmills, trying to unseat a two-term incumbent, but the political winds in the run-up to next month’s midterm elections may be shifting, on Long Island and elsewhere in the country in the era of Donald Trump.

Zeldin, 38, one of only two Jewish Republicans in the House of Representatives, is running for his third term representing Suffolk County’s 1st Congressional District, which encompasses most of central and eastern Suffolk County, stretching from Smithtown to the East End. President Trump won the district handily in 2016, defeating Democrat Hillary Clinton by 9 percentage points – the largest plurality in the state — and last month tweeted his “complete and total endorsement” of Zeldin.

In 2014, Zeldin defeated six-term Democratic incumbent Tim Bishop by 10 percentage points and has maintained a strong hold on the seat since – winning two years ago by 16 percentage points with 59 percent of the vote.

But this is a classic swing district, which has given Democrats hope that it will be one of the 23 congressional seats they need to flip in the Nov. 6 midterms to recapture control of the House. A Newsday poll Sept. 26 put Zeldin ahead of Democratic challenger Perry Gershon, but the lead was close enough to be within the margin of error of 4.9 percent. A New York Times-Siena College poll taken earlier this month and based on 502 phone interviews put Zeldin’s lead at 8 percent.

“It was not a huge sample and it used a new polling method that I worry about a little bit,” said Matthew Lebo, a political science professor at Stony Brook University and director of its Center for Behavioral Political Economy. “So it’s hard to say just how close the race really is. But I would guess he [Zeldin] has a large advantage because people have voted for him twice already, and he has much more money. … His signs say vote for a veteran — Zeldin pushes his history as a vet quite a bit. And he refers to Gershon as ‘Park Avenue Perry,’ suggesting he is a carpetbagger. … As a member of Congress for two terms, you would have thought he [Zeldin] would have more to say about himself other than he is local and a vet.”

Gershon’s campaign material stresses the fact that he is not a career politician but rather a successful businessman, entrepreneur and family-man “with a deep devotion to Long Island and the issues that matter to working families.”

In an interview, Gershon, 56, told The Jewish Week that although he has an apartment in Manhattan, he has had a home for the past 20 years in East Hampton and that he pays taxes there. Zeldin, said Gershon, is making the carpetbagger claim “as a ploy to distract people and not talk about the real issues like health care.”

Zeldin’s office provided a link to a video of Gershon saying he spent weekends and the summer in East Hampton and lived in Manhattan the rest of the time. He said that when he decided in 2017 to run for office, he began living on Long Island full-time and changed his voter registration to East Hampton.

The video link was sent in reply to one of a dozen questions sent to Zeldin last Friday at the request of his communications director, Chris Boyle, after The Jewish Week contacted him to set up an interview with the congressman for any time on Monday. The campaign did not make Zeldin available, and Boyle then wrote his own answers to the questions and emailed them Monday night.

Gershon did not ask for the questions in advance and was interviewed by phone.

Boyle said the major issues of the campaign for Zeldin are “protecting our national security at home and abroad … growing our economy … [and] the need to do even more to combat the heroin and opioid abuse epidemic.”

Gershon said one of his major issues is the fact that Zeldin “voted to take away health care coverage for people with pre-existing conditions.”

Asked to respond, Boyle wrote: “He’s a liar.”

(According to the Office of the Clerk of the House, Zeldin did vote to repeal the ACA, which established that individuals with pre-existing conditions cannot be denied health care coverage or charged more for individual major medical insurance plans.)

Gershon pointed out that after the ACA vote, Zeldin “withdrew from communication with his constituents — he has held no town hall meetings since April 2017, and now his meetings are by invitation only with pre-screened questions.”

Asked his response, Boyle wrote, “The whole premise of that question is completely not true.” He did not elaborate.

Gershon, who said he is a Reform Jew, was also critical of Zeldin’s support for Trump’s assertion that “both sides” were to blame for the violence at a white supremacist rally in Charlottesville, Va., last year that ended in the death of a 32-year-old woman there to protest the white nationalists.

“I was appalled and protested when Lee Zeldin made those comments,” Gershon said. “Lee Zeldin, who is a member of the Jewish faith, should remember his roots and not support white nationalism.”

Boyle’s email reply: “White nationalism? That’s absurd. Gershon should do some self-reflection and stop lying more often than he tells the truth.”

Analysts believe a surge of Democratic votes at the polls could pull off an upset in a district that has 16,000 more registered Republicans than Democrats. Gershon said he believes Democrats are “more energized” than they were two years ago. He cited a record 76 percent of Democrats who voted in the recent Democratic primary he won – about double the turnout of 2016.

But Zeldin believes Trump is still popular in the district and recruited three former Trump administration officials — Steve Bannon, Sebastian Gorka and Sean Spicer — to spark his re-election campaign.

Robert Zimmerman, a Democratic national committeeman from Great Neck, L.I., scoffed at the move, saying Zeldin’s “candidacy has become a rehab center for extremists even Donald Trump had to fire.”

He added that Gershon is “running a very strong campaign as a mainstream Democrat and has mobilized extraordinary support, considering that this race was initially not considered competitive and is now considered very competitive. And Gershon has become a national candidate … because as Lee Zeldin has become a Donald Trump groupie, Perry Gershon has been able to raise money throughout the country.”

But Rabbi Marc Schneier of The Hampton Synagogue in Westhampton Beach said Zeldin continues to “participate in many activities at the synagogue” and that their four-year “friendship has grown exponentially, not only in terms of Israel but in discussing the president’s peace plan in the [Persian] Gulf ….”

A poll released this week for the Jewish Electoral Institute found that although an overwhelming majority of American Jews support Israel, they are almost evenly split in their response to Trump’s handling of U.S.-Israeli relations, and fully 71 percent said they would not consider voting for Trump in 2020.

An exception is Leonard Feldman, an attorney from Smithtown, L.I., who said he supports both Trump and Zeldin in their quest for strong borders and economic programs.

“The stock market has gone up, the GDP [gross domestic product] is up, and unemployment is down – there are more people working now who have not worked in 10 or 15 years,” he said.

Feldman questioned what the “Democrats propose to do economically because I have not heard how they are going to make it better.”

Newsweek: Political Smoke Alarm... Jewish Voter Identification Becoming More Complicated

October 1, 2026
The latest Jewish Electorate Institute survey gives Democrats a commanding 71 percent to 23 percent advantage among Jewish voters on the generic congressional ballot, virtually unchanged from its March poll. Sixty-nine percent identify as Democrats, while 24 percent identify as Republicans.  The same poll contains a less comfortable set of numbers, though: 57 percent of Jewish voters overall say antisemitism is increasing within the Democratic Party, while 35 percent of Jewish Democrats say the rise of anti-Israel Democratic candidates has made it harder for them personally to identify as Democrats. The votes may still be staying Democratic, but for some Jewish voters, identification with the party is becoming more complicated.

NEW POLL: What’s on the minds of Jewish Americans today?

September 25, 2026
Our latest JEI poll shows American Jews are still overwhelmingly pro-Israel but also very critical of Israel and Prime Minister Netanyahu. A majority are concerned that Netanyahu’s actions have increased antisemitic and anti-Israel sentiment. While this is more prevalent among Democrats, even a third of GOP Jews are greatly concerned. This poll also shows the divisions on some recent hot button issues. For instance, most Democrats support cutting aid to Israel, while majorities of independents and Republicans are opposed. There is also a division on the recent pro-Israel action in primary elections – with over a third of Jews feeling it has made things worse, while an increasing plurality feel it is more important than ever. Jews Are Pro-Israel But Very Critical Of Netanyahu, Though Not Focused On The Upcoming Israeli Election An overwhelming 86% of American Jews identify themselves as Pro-Israel, including 65% saying they are pro-Israel but critical of some or many of Israeli government policies. This is barely changed from the March JEI poll which showed 86% pro-Israel and 63% critical. Nearly three quarters (71%) see Israel favorably compared to 25% unfavorably – barely changed from March (71%/24%). At the same time, 61% have an unfavorable view of Netanyahu, with 34% favorable. This is within a point of Netanyahu’s standing from the JEI post-election poll in November 2024 which showed 33% favorable, 61% unfavorable. While 80% of American Jews are following the November elections in the U.S., only 38% are following the October elections in Israel. They do, however, have a strong preference in the outcome with 60% wanting Netanyahu replaced, including 53% feeling strongly. Only 16% of American Jews want to see him reelected. A Majority Are Concerned Netanyahu Has Increased Anti-Semitic And Anti-Israel Feelings Nearly half of American Jews are concerned about antisemitic rhetoric in the Republican (48% a great deal of concern) and Democratic (44%) Parties. Even among partisans roughly three in ten are greatly concerned about antisemitic rhetoric within their own party, with 29% of Republicans saying that about the GOP and 34% of Democrats saying it about their party. A 56% majority of Jews have a great deal of concern that “Israel’s actions under Netanyahu have increased antisemitism and anti-Israel sentiment in the U.S.” Two thirds (65%) of Democratic Jews feel this way, and nearly half (46%) of independents and a third (34%) of Republicans. Most Democrats Would Cut Aid To Israel, But Republicans & Independents Are Opposed A 52% majority of Jews support cutting or eliminating aid to Israel, with 17% supporting “eliminating all $3.3 billion in military aid that the U.S. provides Israel” and 36% preferring to cut but not eliminate aid. Four in ten (40%) would keep aid at current levels, with 8% not sure. There are stark differences on partisanship, with nearly two thirds of Democrats (63%) wanting to cut or eliminate aid, and a similar two thirds of Republicans (67%) and independents (65%) for keeping current levels. Four in ten (40%) Jews are concerned about Congressional support for eliminating aid for “defensive weapons like Iron Dome” (40%), only slightly higher than concern for eliminating “offensive weapons” (36%). A majority of Republicans are concerned about cuts to either offensive (54%) or defensive weapon (56%), while less than half of independents are concerned (44% defensive, 45% offensive) and only a third of Democrats (34% defensive, 29% offensive.) Still there is more of a cost for a Member of Congress voting to cut aid, than a benefit. Nearly half (47%) are less likely to support a Member voting to cut aid, including 36% of those who support cutting aid themselves. Only one in five (21%) are more likely to vote for a Member cutting aid. Even among those who support cuts, only 13% are more likely to support a Member voting that way. Views On AIPAC And The Recent Primary Battles Are Mixed, Even Among Democrats A majority (51%) of American Jews have heard at least something about pro-Israel activity in this year’s primary elections – up from 38% in March. However, higher awareness has not dramatically changed opinions. A narrow 39% plurality support the pro-Israel activity in the primaries, 35% oppose it, and 26% are unsure; very similar to March (37% support, 32% oppose, 31% not sure). Given a choice between two statements, 45% believe “With increasing anti-Israel sentiment and threats to Israel, it is more important than ever for pro-Israel groups to play an active role against candidates who are not supportive enough of a strong US-Israel relationship”, while 37% believe that “These heavy-handed efforts by pro-Israel groups in primary elections make things worse by turning voters against a strong US-Israel relationship, and they should stop.” Large majorities of Republicans and independents believe it more important than ever for pro-Israel groups to get involved in the primaries. But while Democrats lean the other way, they are more torn – with 46% saying the pro-Israel activity is making things worse, but the majority of Democrats either think it’s more important than ever (34%) or are not sure (20%). Indeed, views of AIPAC, the biggest pro-Israel spender in primaries, are mixed, with 42% favorable, 35% unfavorable, and 24% not sure. AIPAC is seen favorably by most independents (55% favorable, 15% unfavorable) and Republicans (71% favorable, 12% unfavorable). Jewish Democrats are 44% unfavorable, with a majority either favorable (31%) or not sure (25%). Moreover, Democratic Jews do not fit easily into one box on AIPAC. Nearly half (45%) agree with the statement “AIPAC is being unfairly singled out for doing just what other advocacy groups do”. Yet 30% agree they cannot vote for a candidate who accepts money from AIPAC, while 19% cannot support a candidate who refuses money from AIPAC. While American Jews are generally together on being pro-Israel even if critical of the government, there are divisions on what should be done in the U.S. on aid and elections.

JEI Advocates for Right to Worship

September 25, 2026
September 23, 2026 The Honorable Mike Johnson Speaker of the United States House of Representatives United States House of Representatives Washington, DC 20515 Dear Mr. Speaker: I submit this statement for the record in support of H.R. 10052 and S. 5289, the Right to Worship Act. I am grateful to Representatives Brad Knott, Tom Suozzi, Michael Lawler, and Josh Gottheimer and Senators Ted Cruz and Elissa Slotkin for their bipartisan leadership in introducing this important legislation to protect the fundamental right of Americans to worship without fear, intimidation, or deliberate disruption. For Jewish Americans, this protection is particularly urgent. Synagogues should be places where Jewish families can gather in prayer, celebrate Shabbat and holidays, educate their children, and sustain their communities. No one should have to approach a synagogue wondering whether protesters will block the entrance, intimidate worshippers, prevent families from entering, or deliberately disrupt religious services. The Right to Worship Act recognizes a basic principle of religious liberty: Americans must be able to enter their houses of worship and participate in religious services without being subjected to conduct that meaningfully interferes with their ability to worship. The legislation establishes a narrowly tailored 100-foot protection zone around entrances to houses of worship during scheduled religious services and prohibits knowing conduct that disrupts services or hinders, deters, threatens, or intimidates people seeking to attend. This protection is not about preventing peaceful expression or legitimate public debate. The legislation specifically distinguishes protected expression from conduct that interferes with the ability of people to worship. That distinction is essential. Americans have a constitutional right to express their views, including views with which others strongly disagree. But that right should not be used as a justification for preventing another person from exercising the equally fundamental right to freely practice their religion. The need for this protection is especially clear for Jewish communities. In recent years, Jewish Americans have faced protests, intimidation, threats, and security concerns at and around synagogues and other Jewish institutions. Jewish families should not have to choose between exercising their faith and avoiding confrontation at the doors of their houses of worship. The right to worship is a foundational American freedom. It belongs to Jews, Christians, Muslims, Sikhs, Hindus, and Americans of every faith. Protecting houses of worship therefore is not a special accommodation for any one religious community. It is a protection of religious liberty itself. We also recognize the importance of maintaining the careful balance between religious freedom and the First Amendment's protection of speech and peaceful assembly. The Right to Worship Act addresses that balance by focusing on conduct that actually disrupts religious services or prevents or intimidates individuals from attending them, rather than on the viewpoint or content of someone's speech. We support continued careful consideration of the legislation to ensure that its protections remain clear, appropriately tailored, and consistent with constitutional rights. For Jewish Americans, the ability to walk through the doors of a synagogue and worship openly is not an abstract principle. It is an essential part of Jewish communal life and religious freedom. A Jewish family should be able to attend services on Shabbat or a holiday without being blocked, threatened, intimidated, or made to feel that entering their synagogue is itself an act of confrontation. Religious freedom cannot exist if people are technically free to worship but are effectively prevented from doing so by intimidation or deliberate disruption at the doors of their houses of worship. We strongly support the goals of the Right to Worship Act and urge Congress to advance this bipartisan legislation. Protecting the right of Americans to gather, pray, and practice their faith is a constitutional responsibility and a fundamental American value. The freedom to worship belongs to all of us. Congress should ensure that every American can exercise that freedom without fear. Sincerely,