Pulse of The Jewish Voter Amidst Iran War Shows Engagement In A Host of Issues

April 15, 2026

U.S. JEWS VOTING DEM IN CONGRESS MIDTERMS

YET QUESTION WHAT PARTY STANDS FOR, ESP. ON ISRAEL

 

JEWISH R’s MOST ID’d AS PRO-ISRAEL, NEW POLL SHOWS

 

United in Support of Israel’s Right to Exist as Jewish Homeland

But Mixed Concepts of Zionism

 

Jews see too much Israel criticism playing into antisemitism

While most Jews feel too many Israel supporters use antisemitism claims

to avoid legitimate policy debate

 

WASHINGTON – The latest Jewish Electorate Institute (JEI) poll shows American Jews are voting heavily Democratic in the midterm election for Congress. At the same time, Jews have questions about what the Democratic Party stands for, particularly on Israel. Jewish Republicans, on the other hand, are most identified as being pro-Israel, which is also one of their biggest image advantages over Democrats.


Meanwhile, amid debates in the Jewish community over Israel, war in Iran and election politics, American Jews are united in support of Israel’s right to exist as a Jewish state and homeland for the Jewish people. However, there are mixed signals over the concept of Zionism, with the majority seeing Zionism favorably, but only a third calling themselves Zionists.

There is also concern about how antisemitism is becoming a part of the increasingly heated discussions over U.S.-Israel issues, by both sides. A large majority of U.S. Jews see too many critics of Israel using language about Jews that play into antisemitism, whether intended or not. At the same time, a majority of Jews feel too many supporters of Israel use claims of antisemitism to avoid legitimate debate over policy.


These analyses are based on the final release of the findings of a national survey of 800 Jewish registered voters, with an oversample to yield 600 Jewish women. The survey was conducted for JEI by The Mellman Group using a high-quality online national panel from March 13-23, 2026. The margin of error for the sample as a whole is +/- 3.5% at the 95% level of confidence (higher for subgroups).


Previous JEI analyses and releases centered on U.S. Jews’ pro-Israel identity and their criticism of the government, support for pro-Israel spending in the primaries and the popularity of AIPAC, DMFI and J Street. Also, on what American Jews would likely discuss at the Passover seder tables.


The Democratic Lead In The Jewish Vote Is More Than In The Last Two Trump Presidential Races, But Not Yet Up To The Midterm Margin During The First Trump Administration


National polls have been showing Democrats opening large leads in the generic vote heading into the November midterm elections. This first poll on the Jewish vote for the midterms shows Democrats getting 74% of the Jewish vote, compared to 22% for Republicans, and 4% undecided among likely voters.



This is a shift from the last two Presidential elections where Republicans, with Trump at the top of the ticket, made slight gains among Jewish voters, closing the margin to -44 points in 2020 and -42 in 2024. But it is still not up to the level of the 2018 midterm results in the first Trump administration, when exit polls showed Jews voting Democratic for Congress by a 64-point margin (82%-18%). The margin in 2018 was the largest in decades, second only to the 2006 midterms when Democrats won the Jewish vote in the midterms of President George W. Bush’s second term by 76 points during the Iraq war.


Nearly All Jews Believe In Israel’s Right To Exist As The Jewish Homeland


Despite these somewhat mixed signals on zionism, 87% of American Jews say they believe in Israel’s right to exist as the Jewish homeland, including 80% feeling strongly. Only 6% do not. This broad and intense support extends across demographics including Democratic (84%, 75% strongly), Reform (87%, 80% strongly) and Non-denominational Jews (83%, 73% strongly). Even among the younger Jews 72% believe in this, 63% strongly. Among those who say they are not Zionists, 76% believe in the Jewish state’s right to exist, 68% strongly.



Some of this points to different interpretations, even contradictions, on how Zionism is defined or understood. It also raises questions about whether the word itself is becoming stigmatized, even if views on Israel’s right to exist are unchanged.


Most Jews See Zionism Favorably, But Only A Third Call Themselves Zionists.


Most Jews (55%) have a favorable view of Zionism, with 26% unfavorable, and 17% not sure. Favorability for Zionism is higher among Republican Jews (74% favorable), Conservative Jews (67%), Orthodox (65%), as well as those with the strongest sense of Jewish identity (66%) and connection to Israel (85%). There are more mixed results among Democrats, 47% of whom are favorable, with 32% unfavorable and 19% unsure; and younger Jews (52% favorable, 34% unfavorable, 14% not sure).


While the majority are favorable towards Zionists, just over a third (34%) consider themselves one. Nearly half (48%) say they are not Zionists, including 27% who feel that way strongly. Another 17% are not sure. Those most likely to call themselves Zionists include Orthodox Jews (58%), those who say being Jewish is very important to them (47%), Republicans (45%), and Conservative Jews (41%). Those more likely to say they are not Zionists include Democrats (Yes 30%, No 52%), Reform Jews (29%, 52%) and those without a denomination (28%, 52%). Over a third of younger (36%) and middle-aged (38%) Jews call themselves Zionists, slightly more than older Jews (30%), but a 52% majority of younger Jews say they do not. This also higher than those middle-aged (45%) or seniors (48%).





Majorities of Jews See Antisemitism Becoming Too Much A Part of The Debate Over Israel, From Both Sides.


There is broad concern about antisemitism in discourse surrounding Israel. An overwhelming (83%) believe critics of Israel use tropes about Jews that play into antisemitism, whether intentionally or not. This concern is shared by over 80% of demographics including party, gender, age, and denomination. There are some differences in intensity, with 62% of Republicans agreeing strongly, compared to 55% of Democrats; or 65% of seniors feeling strongly, compared to 48% of younger Jews. But clearly there is broad agreement on this.


At the same time there is also a majority, albeit a smaller 55% majority, who believe that even supporters of Israel are also contributing to the problem by using accusations of antisemitism to deflect legitimate criticism of Israeli policy. Democrats are more likely to say this (59%), than Republicans, but even 47% of Republicans share this concern. The majority here holds across both gender and age.


Clearly the use of language, rhetoric and context around antisemitism as well as Zionism are having an impact on the debates over US-Israel issues and bear watching in future research.


Jewish Women Are More Democratic, Fueling The Midterm Margin


The partisan divide is even bigger among women. Nearly three-quarters (74%) of Jewish women identify as Democrats, including 50% who are strong Democrats, and 24% who identify as Democratic Socialists.


Likely Jewish women voters are supporting the Democrats in the generic vote: 78%


Democratic, 19% Republican, and only 3% undecided. The Democratic vote margin increases significantly with age among Jewish women. Women ages 18-29 vote +46 Democratic, rising to +60 among those 40–59 and +58 among those 60 and older. These margins exceed those of the overall Jewish electorate, where voters ages 40–59 and 60+ both register a +48 Democratic advantage. The strength of Jewish identity also follows a consistent pattern. Among women who place lower importance on being Jewish, the Democratic advantage is +74, compared to +61 among the overall electorate. Among those who place higher importance on being Jewish, Jewish women still lean more Democratic than the overall electorate, at +41 versus +36.


Jewish women are also more likely to disapprove of Trump’s job performance and the current U.S military action against Iran. They are four points more likely than the overall electorate to disapprove of Trump’s job performance (77% vs. 73%) and the U.S. military action in Iran (59% vs. 55%).



These findings underscore that Jewish women are not only more Democratic across key demographic and attitudinal dimensions but are also more likely to hold views that reinforce Democratic alignment, helping to fuel the party’s broader electoral advantage.


Despite The Vote, Jews Have Questions On What The Democratic Party Stands For Today


The Jewish electorate continues to be decidedly Democratic, with 69% identifying as Democrats, 24% as Republicans, and only 7% as independents not leaning toward one party or the other. Republican Jews have a more favorable view of their party than Democratic Jews do of theirs. Nearly all Republican Jews (88%) see their party favorably, including 40% very favorably; and only 11% unfavorable. Among Democratic Jews, just over three-quarters (78%) are favorable, and only a third (32%) is very favorable, with nearly one in five (19%) feeling unfavorable about their party.


Jewish voters also have more questions about what Democrats stand for today than Republicans. Among Jews voting Republican in the midterms, 87% said they understand what the Republican party stands for today, with 36% saying they understand very well, compared to only 13% who said they did not know or were unsure. Among Jews voting Democratic in the midterms, only 71% had a good understanding of what the party stands for, compared to 29% either not understanding or unsure.


Even with Democratic Jews having questions about their own party, there is more clarity and unity about how they see the GOP. Nearly all Jewish Democrats (94%) have an unfavorable view of the Republican Party, including 80% very unfavorable. This reverse partisanship is also seen among Republican Jews, but at slightly lower levels, with 84% having an unfavorable view of the Democratic party, 59% very unfavorable, and 12% with a favorable view.


American Jews’ perceptions of the two parties largely favor Democrats, reflecting the large disparity in party identification. Jews identify Democrats most with abortion rights, healthcare, working to ensure fair elections, and fighting for the middle class. These are also traits where Democrats have their biggest advantage over Republicans.


But Republicans now have an advantage over Democrats in being identified as pro-Israel and preventing Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons. The two biggest changes in perceptions of the parties since the JEI poll of Jews during the last Trump midterm in 2018 are on Iran and Israel. With the Trump Administration now conducting a war against Iran, there is a 29-point increase in Republicans on stopping Iran from getting nuclear weapons.


The next biggest change since 2018 is the 22-point drop in perceptions of the Democratic Party as being pro-Israel. In fact, being pro-Israel and fighting antisemitism are two of the least descriptive phrases about Democrats, along with “strong” and “gets things done”. Even among Jewish Democrats, those same four items (pro-Israel, antisemitism, strong, and gets things done) are the least descriptive of the party.


In contrast, the strongest perceptions of the Republican party with the Jewish community are around being pro-Israel, which is the most descriptive item, followed by preventing Iran from getting nuclear weapons, patriotic, strong, and fighting antisemitism.


The biggest image advantage for Republicans over Democrats is that Democrats are much more likely to be seen as “too critical of Israel”.


The Mellman Group


Named “Pollster of the Year” three times by the American Association of Political Consultants, The Mellman Group has provided sophisticated opinion research and strategic advice to political leaders, public interest organizations, Fortune 500 companies, and government agencies for over 30 years. All told, The Mellman Group has helped win over fifty senate and gubernatorial races, and nearly one hundred House race contests. More at https://mellmangroup.com/.


Jewish Electorate Institute


JEI is the foremost resource on Jewish voter political preferences, producing the top research, polling, and analysis critical to understanding the Jewish electorate. Chair Barbara Goldberg Goldman said, “The findings in this poll are consistent with our prior research. They underscore the critical reality that the Jewish community is not monolithic. Its concerns and interests extend well beyond Israel and the current war with Iran. At the same time, these results highlight an urgent need for greater education about Israel’s history and a clearer understanding of what Zionism actually means and how it came into being. This poll is also another reminder that the Jewish vote cannot and should not be taken for granted. Jewish voters are thoughtful and engaged.”


See Entire Poll Here
October 1, 2026
The latest Jewish Electorate Institute survey gives Democrats a commanding 71 percent to 23 percent advantage among Jewish voters on the generic congressional ballot, virtually unchanged from its March poll. Sixty-nine percent identify as Democrats, while 24 percent identify as Republicans.  The same poll contains a less comfortable set of numbers, though: 57 percent of Jewish voters overall say antisemitism is increasing within the Democratic Party, while 35 percent of Jewish Democrats say the rise of anti-Israel Democratic candidates has made it harder for them personally to identify as Democrats. The votes may still be staying Democratic, but for some Jewish voters, identification with the party is becoming more complicated.
September 25, 2026
Our latest JEI poll shows American Jews are still overwhelmingly pro-Israel but also very critical of Israel and Prime Minister Netanyahu. A majority are concerned that Netanyahu’s actions have increased antisemitic and anti-Israel sentiment. While this is more prevalent among Democrats, even a third of GOP Jews are greatly concerned. This poll also shows the divisions on some recent hot button issues. For instance, most Democrats support cutting aid to Israel, while majorities of independents and Republicans are opposed. There is also a division on the recent pro-Israel action in primary elections – with over a third of Jews feeling it has made things worse, while an increasing plurality feel it is more important than ever. Jews Are Pro-Israel But Very Critical Of Netanyahu, Though Not Focused On The Upcoming Israeli Election An overwhelming 86% of American Jews identify themselves as Pro-Israel, including 65% saying they are pro-Israel but critical of some or many of Israeli government policies. This is barely changed from the March JEI poll which showed 86% pro-Israel and 63% critical. Nearly three quarters (71%) see Israel favorably compared to 25% unfavorably – barely changed from March (71%/24%). At the same time, 61% have an unfavorable view of Netanyahu, with 34% favorable. This is within a point of Netanyahu’s standing from the JEI post-election poll in November 2024 which showed 33% favorable, 61% unfavorable. While 80% of American Jews are following the November elections in the U.S., only 38% are following the October elections in Israel. They do, however, have a strong preference in the outcome with 60% wanting Netanyahu replaced, including 53% feeling strongly. Only 16% of American Jews want to see him reelected. A Majority Are Concerned Netanyahu Has Increased Anti-Semitic And Anti-Israel Feelings Nearly half of American Jews are concerned about antisemitic rhetoric in the Republican (48% a great deal of concern) and Democratic (44%) Parties. Even among partisans roughly three in ten are greatly concerned about antisemitic rhetoric within their own party, with 29% of Republicans saying that about the GOP and 34% of Democrats saying it about their party. A 56% majority of Jews have a great deal of concern that “Israel’s actions under Netanyahu have increased antisemitism and anti-Israel sentiment in the U.S.” Two thirds (65%) of Democratic Jews feel this way, and nearly half (46%) of independents and a third (34%) of Republicans. Most Democrats Would Cut Aid To Israel, But Republicans & Independents Are Opposed A 52% majority of Jews support cutting or eliminating aid to Israel, with 17% supporting “eliminating all $3.3 billion in military aid that the U.S. provides Israel” and 36% preferring to cut but not eliminate aid. Four in ten (40%) would keep aid at current levels, with 8% not sure. There are stark differences on partisanship, with nearly two thirds of Democrats (63%) wanting to cut or eliminate aid, and a similar two thirds of Republicans (67%) and independents (65%) for keeping current levels. Four in ten (40%) Jews are concerned about Congressional support for eliminating aid for “defensive weapons like Iron Dome” (40%), only slightly higher than concern for eliminating “offensive weapons” (36%). A majority of Republicans are concerned about cuts to either offensive (54%) or defensive weapon (56%), while less than half of independents are concerned (44% defensive, 45% offensive) and only a third of Democrats (34% defensive, 29% offensive.) Still there is more of a cost for a Member of Congress voting to cut aid, than a benefit. Nearly half (47%) are less likely to support a Member voting to cut aid, including 36% of those who support cutting aid themselves. Only one in five (21%) are more likely to vote for a Member cutting aid. Even among those who support cuts, only 13% are more likely to support a Member voting that way. Views On AIPAC And The Recent Primary Battles Are Mixed, Even Among Democrats A majority (51%) of American Jews have heard at least something about pro-Israel activity in this year’s primary elections – up from 38% in March. However, higher awareness has not dramatically changed opinions. A narrow 39% plurality support the pro-Israel activity in the primaries, 35% oppose it, and 26% are unsure; very similar to March (37% support, 32% oppose, 31% not sure). Given a choice between two statements, 45% believe “With increasing anti-Israel sentiment and threats to Israel, it is more important than ever for pro-Israel groups to play an active role against candidates who are not supportive enough of a strong US-Israel relationship”, while 37% believe that “These heavy-handed efforts by pro-Israel groups in primary elections make things worse by turning voters against a strong US-Israel relationship, and they should stop.” Large majorities of Republicans and independents believe it more important than ever for pro-Israel groups to get involved in the primaries. But while Democrats lean the other way, they are more torn – with 46% saying the pro-Israel activity is making things worse, but the majority of Democrats either think it’s more important than ever (34%) or are not sure (20%). Indeed, views of AIPAC, the biggest pro-Israel spender in primaries, are mixed, with 42% favorable, 35% unfavorable, and 24% not sure. AIPAC is seen favorably by most independents (55% favorable, 15% unfavorable) and Republicans (71% favorable, 12% unfavorable). Jewish Democrats are 44% unfavorable, with a majority either favorable (31%) or not sure (25%). Moreover, Democratic Jews do not fit easily into one box on AIPAC. Nearly half (45%) agree with the statement “AIPAC is being unfairly singled out for doing just what other advocacy groups do”. Yet 30% agree they cannot vote for a candidate who accepts money from AIPAC, while 19% cannot support a candidate who refuses money from AIPAC. While American Jews are generally together on being pro-Israel even if critical of the government, there are divisions on what should be done in the U.S. on aid and elections.
September 25, 2026
September 23, 2026 The Honorable Mike Johnson Speaker of the United States House of Representatives United States House of Representatives Washington, DC 20515 Dear Mr. Speaker: I submit this statement for the record in support of H.R. 10052 and S. 5289, the Right to Worship Act. I am grateful to Representatives Brad Knott, Tom Suozzi, Michael Lawler, and Josh Gottheimer and Senators Ted Cruz and Elissa Slotkin for their bipartisan leadership in introducing this important legislation to protect the fundamental right of Americans to worship without fear, intimidation, or deliberate disruption. For Jewish Americans, this protection is particularly urgent. Synagogues should be places where Jewish families can gather in prayer, celebrate Shabbat and holidays, educate their children, and sustain their communities. No one should have to approach a synagogue wondering whether protesters will block the entrance, intimidate worshippers, prevent families from entering, or deliberately disrupt religious services. The Right to Worship Act recognizes a basic principle of religious liberty: Americans must be able to enter their houses of worship and participate in religious services without being subjected to conduct that meaningfully interferes with their ability to worship. The legislation establishes a narrowly tailored 100-foot protection zone around entrances to houses of worship during scheduled religious services and prohibits knowing conduct that disrupts services or hinders, deters, threatens, or intimidates people seeking to attend. This protection is not about preventing peaceful expression or legitimate public debate. The legislation specifically distinguishes protected expression from conduct that interferes with the ability of people to worship. That distinction is essential. Americans have a constitutional right to express their views, including views with which others strongly disagree. But that right should not be used as a justification for preventing another person from exercising the equally fundamental right to freely practice their religion. The need for this protection is especially clear for Jewish communities. In recent years, Jewish Americans have faced protests, intimidation, threats, and security concerns at and around synagogues and other Jewish institutions. Jewish families should not have to choose between exercising their faith and avoiding confrontation at the doors of their houses of worship. The right to worship is a foundational American freedom. It belongs to Jews, Christians, Muslims, Sikhs, Hindus, and Americans of every faith. Protecting houses of worship therefore is not a special accommodation for any one religious community. It is a protection of religious liberty itself. We also recognize the importance of maintaining the careful balance between religious freedom and the First Amendment's protection of speech and peaceful assembly. The Right to Worship Act addresses that balance by focusing on conduct that actually disrupts religious services or prevents or intimidates individuals from attending them, rather than on the viewpoint or content of someone's speech. We support continued careful consideration of the legislation to ensure that its protections remain clear, appropriately tailored, and consistent with constitutional rights. For Jewish Americans, the ability to walk through the doors of a synagogue and worship openly is not an abstract principle. It is an essential part of Jewish communal life and religious freedom. A Jewish family should be able to attend services on Shabbat or a holiday without being blocked, threatened, intimidated, or made to feel that entering their synagogue is itself an act of confrontation. Religious freedom cannot exist if people are technically free to worship but are effectively prevented from doing so by intimidation or deliberate disruption at the doors of their houses of worship. We strongly support the goals of the Right to Worship Act and urge Congress to advance this bipartisan legislation. Protecting the right of Americans to gather, pray, and practice their faith is a constitutional responsibility and a fundamental American value. The freedom to worship belongs to all of us. Congress should ensure that every American can exercise that freedom without fear. Sincerely,